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                    <text>COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA
STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION
Richmond

SUPTSo MEMO. NO* 3029
June 73 1 9 h
%
TO;

The Division Superintendent

FROMs

Dowell J. Howard, Superintendent of Public Instruction

You received the opinion of the Attorney General and Statement of the State Board
of Education regarding the recent Supreme Court decision. You are also aware of the
Statement of Governor Stanley calling for the operation of our public schools at
present and for the session 195 -55 on the basis of segregation in accordance with
U
Section l j 0 of the Constitution*
l.
I am confident you recognize it as your duty and mine, as those charged with the
responsibility for administering our public schools, to fully respect this authority.
I am confident, also, that your local school boards with the State Board of Education
will conform as they may give consideration to any modification of their existing
policies. To me this is fundamental and essential until such time as we may receive
decrees from the Supreme Court and advice from the Attorney General and the Governor
of Virginia. To this end I solicit your wholehearted cooperation.
It seems wise that I make the following statement regarding the school construction
program.
There has been no change in the policies of the State Board of Education regarding
school building construction; the amount of State money to which each locality is
entitled has been allotted, and the need for school facilities in many localities
remains serious. It is my opinion that the better the facilities the less complicated
will be the solution regardless of the final decree of the Court.
Each community presents a different problem. M y recommendation is that each
locality consider the problem in view of existing conditions. If you need the
facility, have the proposed facility located properly, have or can arrange for
financing, and have an agreement with your local school board, I recommend that you
proceed without delay. If you should need assistance from the State Department of
Education in modifying your previous decision, we stand ready and anxious to cooperate.
I can also assure you of the earnest consideration of the State Board of Education.
In the meantime it will be most helpful if you will submit the information on the
basis requested in Supts. Memo. No. 3022 - Survey of School Building Needs.
I am aware of the grave concern of many prompted by the decision of the Court and
conscious of the fact that neither Court decisions nor Legislative Acts change the
customs and beliefs of people. The nature of the final decree will determine the
degree of difficulty involved in making the necessary changes in the administration
of our public schools.
In the meantime, the problem must receive the calm/ 'deliberate, forthright and
prayerful consideration of all Virginians. It is the duty and, I know, the desire of
those charged with the responsibility for administration to participate fully.

�-

2-

We are aware that problems are not solved by sudden decisions. Man's destiny has
been and will continue to be shaped by what he believes to be right and by what he
finally desires, not by hasty and faulty action..
The ultimate solution will come in varying degrees « The degree of difficulty will
&gt;
vary with the problems as they present themselves in each school division of the State.
Definite procedures cannot culminate until such time as we have knowledge of the
final decree. In the meantime, however, the situation warrants our best thought. I
will, as early as feasible, ask for a meeting of the Superintendent's Advisory Council
to give me the benefit of their counsel. By this means I will have their sound advice
in assuming to the best of m y ability the responsibilities of this office. This will
also give me the opportunity to inform you through the Council of the present thoughts
of the State Board of Education and the State Department.
As we give thought to the matter we must consider ways and means of strengthening
rather than weakening our public schools. It seems extremely wise, also, that we all
be informed thoroughly of the situation in the State and in each locality and that we
avoid public statements offering panaceas for the solution of the problem which will
not clearly present itself until we are informed of the final decree of the Court.
I will greatly appreciate your cooperation.

DJH/p

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                  <text>Record Group 07 contains the incomplete and unofficial records of the Arlington County, Virginia, public school system. The entire collection measures 20.85 linear feet, and ranges in date between 1909 and 2004. The bulk of the material is from the period 1946-1988. </text>
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                    <text>COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA
Office of
THE ATTORNEY GENERAL
Richmond.

May 2J,
Honorable Blake T. Newton, President,
State Board of Education,
Hague, Virginia,
M y dear Mr. Newton;
The State Board of Education at its session on this date propounded
the following inquiry upon which it has requested my opinion:
In view of the opinion handed down by the Supreme Court of the United States
on May 17 in the case of Dorothy E. Davis, et al.. Appellants, - V - County School
Board of Prince Edward County, Virginia, et al,, what is the legal vitality and
efficacy of section 1*40 of the Constitution of Virginia, and the statute enacted
pursuant thereto, providing, in substance, that white and colored children shall
not be taught in the same school?
I am sure the Board is familiar with the opinion of the Supreme Court is,
this case. In its opinion, the Court said;
!We conclude that in the field of public education the
!
doctrine of “separate but equal' has no place. Separate
educational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we
hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom
the actions have been brought are, by reason of the segregation
complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws
guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment. * * * l
t
As an integral part of the Court's conclusion, the following language was
employed;
"Because these are class actions, because of the wide applicability
of this decision, and because of the great variety of local
conditions, the formulation of decrees in these cases presents
problems of considerable complexity. On reargument, the considera*tion of appropriate relief was necessarily subordinated to the
primary question - the constitutionality of segregation in public
education. We have now announced that such segregation is a denial
of the equal protection of the laws. In order that we may have the
full assistance of the parties in formulating decrees, the cases will
be restored to the docket, and the parties are requested to present
further argument on questions 4 and 5 previously propounded by the
Court for the reargument this term. * * •"
Question U referred to by the Court is as follows:
"Assuming it is decided that segregation in public schools violates
the Fourteenth Amendment

�2.
"(a)

would a decree necessarily follow providing that, within
the limits set by normal geographic school districting,
Negro children should forthwith be admitted to schools
of their choice, or

"(b)

may this Court, in the exercise of its equity powers,
permit an effective gradual adjustment to be broughtabout from existing segregated systems to a system not
based on color distinctions?”

Question 5 is not deemed material in answering your inquiry.
While the basic issue before the Court has been determined, yet, the Court
has ordered the case restored to the docket and has not entered, and will not
enter, a final decree adjudicating the respective rights of the parties litigant
until further hearings and proceedings are had and held.
Pending a final adjudication, it is my opinion that section 1*40 of the
Constitution of Virginia, and the statute of Virginia enacted pursuant thereto,
remain intact and unimpaired, imbued with full legal vitality and efficacy.
It is clearly manifest from the Court's opinion that it reserves judgment
on the matter of final disposition of the cause before it until it could be
further advised as to matters procedural relating to adjustment to the Court's
opinion on the basic issue.
You have also requested my opinion, in the event I conclude that our
constitutional and statutory provisions retain vitality, as to whether the Stats
Board of Education would be within its legal rights to direct the Division
Superintendents throughout the State to proceed with plans for the coming school
year on the same basis as have heretofore obtained.
It is my opinion that the Board would have full legal authority to issus
such directives, in view of the Court's retention of the question as to how and
when the Court's opinion on the basic question is to be implemented.
Sincerely yours,
/s/ J. LINDSAY AIMOND, JE.
J. Lindsay Almond, Jr.,
Attorney General.

10-20

COPY

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                    <text>COMMDNWEALTH OF VIRGINIA
STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION
RICHMOND
SUPTS. MEMO. NO.
May 23, I95U

3025

TO:

Division Superintendents and Chairmen of Local School
Boards

FROM:

Dowell J. Howard, Superintendent of Public Instruction

SUBJECT:

Ruling of Attorney General of Virginia - Opinion of
Supreme Court of the United States.

I am enclosing a copy of an opinion rendered by the Attorney
General in reply to an inquiry propounded to him by the State Board
of Education at its meeting Thursday, May 27, I95H.
I also quote below the action of the State Board of Education
following receipt of the opinion:
"In view of the opinion of the Attorney General on
this day rendered, to which we adhere, the Board proclaims
the following policy:
"The local Boards of Education are hereby advised to
proceed as at present and for the school session 195** - 55
to operate the public schools of this State on the same
basis as they are now being operated and as heretofore
obtained."

�COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA
STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION
RICHMOND
SUPT3. IQ-10. NO. 3025
May 23, 1954
TOi

Division Superintendents anil Ciiairmen of Local School Boards

FROM:

Dowell J. Howard. Superintendent of Public Instruction for the
State of Virginia

SUBJECT!

Ruling of Attorney General of Virginia— -Opinion of Supreme Court
of the United States,

I am enclosing a copy of an opinion rendered by the Attorney General
in reply to an inquiry propounded to him by the State Board of Education
at its meeting Thursday, b.y 27, 1954.

Ruling by Virginia Attorney General J. Lindsay Almond, ir.,
May 27, 1954
While the basic iss- d before the Court has been determined, yet,
the Court has ordered the case rostered to the docket and has
not entered, end will not enter, a final decree adjudicating the
respective rights of i.be parties litigant until further hearings
aid proceedings are had and held.,
Ponding a final adjudication, it Is my opinion that section 140
of the Constitution of Virginia, and. the statute of Virginia enacted
pursuant thereto, remain intact and unimpaired, imbued with full
logal vitality and efficacy,
I" is clearly manifest from the Court's opinion that it reserves
,
judgment on the matter of final, disposition of the causa before
it until it could be further advised as to matters procedural
relating to adjustment to the Court's opinion on the basic issue.
You have also requested my opinion, in the event I conclude that
our constitutional tic statutory provisions retain vitality, as
to whether the State Board of Education would be within its legal
rights to direct the division Superintendents throughout the State
to proceed with plans for the coning school year on the same basis
as have heretofore obtained.
If is my
to issue
question
qx.es tion

opinion that the Board would have full legal authority
such directives, in view of the Court’s retention of the
as to how end when the Court's opinion on the basic
is to be implemented.
(See ne:rt page)

�Supts. Memo Ho. 3025 - continued,

I also quote below the action of the State Board of Education
following receipt of the opinions
"In view of the opinion of the Attorney
General on this day rendered, to which
we adhere, the Board proclaims the follow
ing policys
The local Boards of Education are hereby
advised to proceed as at present and for the
school session 1954-55 to operate the public
schools of this State on the same basis as
they are new being operated and as heretofore
obtained."

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                    <text>Fr-om the "Richmond News Leader" of Mondays May 17, 1954.

TEXT OF HIGH COURT RULING ON SCHOOL SEGREGATION

Washington, May 17 - (AP) - The text of the Supreme Court's decision in the
racial segregation cases, read by Chief Justice
Warrens
These cases come to us from the State of Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia and
Delaware, They are premised on different facts and different local conditions, but
a common legal question justifies their consideration together in this consolidated
opinion.
In each of the eases, minors of the Negro race, through their legal representa­
tives, seek the aid of the courts in obtaining admission to the public schools of
their community on a non-segregated basis. In each instance, they had been denied
admission to schools attendedby white children under laws requiring or permitting
segregation according to race. This segregation was alleged to deprive the plaintiffs
of the equal protection of the laws under the Fourteenth Amendment, In each of the
oases other than the Delaware ease, a three-judge Federal District Court denied
relief to the plaintiffs on the so-called "separate but equal" doctrine announced
by this court in Plessy v, Ferguson, 163 United States 537, Under that doctrine,
equality of treatment is accorded when the races are provided substantially equal
facilities, even though these facilities be separate. In the Delaware case, the
Supreme Court of Delaware adhered to that doctrine, but ordered that the plaintiffs
be admitted to the white schools because of their superiority to the Negro schools.
Said Deprived
The plaintiffs contend that segregated public schools are not "equal." and
cannot be made "equal," and that hence they are deprived of the equal protection
of the laws. Because of the obvious importance of the question presented, the
court took jurisdiction. Argument was heard in the 1952 term, and rs-argument was
heard this term on certain questions propounded by the court,
Beargument was largely devoted to the circumstances surrounding the adoption of
the Fourteenth Anendment in 1868,
It covered exhaustively consideration of the
amendment in Congress, ratification by the States, then existing practices in
racial segregation, and the views of proponents and opponents of the amendment.
This discussion and our own investigation convince us that, although these sources
cast some light, it is not enough to resolve the problem with which we are faced.
At best, they are inconclusive. The most avid proponents of the postwar amendments
undoubtedly intended them to remove all legal distinctions among "all persons born
or naturalized in the United States," Their opponents, just as certainly, were
antagonistic bo both the letter and the spirit of the amendments and wished them to
have the most limited effect. What others in Congress and the State Legislature
had in mind cannot be determined with any degree of certainty.
An additional reason for the inclusive nature of the amendment's history, with
respect to segregated schools, is the status of public education at that time*
In the South, the movement toward free common schools, supported by general taxation,
had not yet taken hold. Education of white children was largely in the hands of
private groups. Education of Negroes was almost nonexistent, and practically all
of the race was illiterate. In fact, any education of Negroes was forbidden by

�Text of High Court Ruling on School Segregation - 2
,

law in some States. Today, in contrast, many Negroes hare achieved outstanding
success in the arts and sciences as well as in the business and professional
world. It is true that public education has already ddvaneed further in the
North, but the effect of the amendment on Northern States was generally ignored
in the congressional debates. Even in the North, the conditions of public educa­
tion did not approximate those existing today. The curriculum was usually rudi­
mentary! ungraded schools were common in rural areas 5 the school term was but three
months a year in many States; and compulsory school attendance was virtually un­
known,
As a consequence, it is not surprising that there should be so little in
the history of the Fourteenth Amendment relating to its intended effect on public
education.
Six Cases
In the first cases in this court construing the Fourteenth Amendment, decided
shortly after its adoption, the court interpreted it as proscribing all Stateimposed discriminations against the Negro race. The doctrine of "separate but
equal® did not make its appearance in this court until 1896 in the case of Plessy v,
Ferguson, supra, involving not education but transportation, American courts have
since labored with the doctrine for over half a century. In this court, there have
been six eases involving the "separate but equal" doctrine in the field of public
education. In Gumming v. County Board of Education, 175 T » S, 528, and Gong turn v.
J
Rice, 275 U, S„ 78, the validity of the doctrine itself was not challenged. In
more recent cases, all on the graduate school level., inequality was found in that
specific benefits enjoyed by white students were denied to Negro students of the
same educational qualifications, Missouri ex rel, Gaines v, Canada, 305 U, S, 377|
S&amp;puel v, Oklahoma, 332 U. S. 631| Sweatt v. Painter, 339 0. S, 629; Mclaurin v.
Oklahoma State Regents, 339 U, S, 6.37, In none of these cases was it necessary
to re-examine the doctrine to grant relief to the Negro plaintiff. And in Sweatt v„
Painter, supra, the court expressly reserved decision on the question whether Plessy
Ferguson should be held .'inapplicable to public education.
In the instant cases, the question is directly presented. Here, uitlike
Sweatt v. Painter, there are findings below that the Negro and white schools
involved have been equalized, or are being equalized with respect to buildings,
curricula, qualification and salaries of teachers and other "tangible" factors.
Our decision, therefore, cannot turn on merely a comparison of these tangible
factors in the Negro and white schools involved in each of the cases. We must look
instead to the effect of segregation itself on public education.
In approaching this problem, we cannot turn the clock back to 1868 when the
amendment was adopted, or even to 1896 when Plessy v, Ferguson was written. We
must consider public education in the light of its full development and its
present place in American life throughout the nation. Only in this way can it be
determined if segregation in public schools deprives these plaintiffs of the equal
protection of the laws.
Biggest Function
Today, education is perhaps the most important function of State and local
governments. Compulsory school attendance laws and the great expenditures for

�Text of High Court Ruling on School Segregation ~ 3
.

education both demonstrate our recognition of the importance of education to our
democratic society. It is required in the performance of our most basic public
responsibilities, even service in the armed forces. It is the very foundation of
good citizenship.
Today it is a principal instrument in awakening the child to
cultural values, in preparing him for later professional training and in helping
him to adjust normally to his environment. In these days, it is doubtful that any
child may reasonably be expected to succeed in life if he is denied the opportunity
of an education. Such an opportunity, where the State has undertaken to provide
it, is a right which must be made available to all on equal terms.
We come then to the question presented2 Does segregation of children in
public schools, solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities
and other "tangible" factors may be equal, deprive the children of the minority
group of equal educational opportunities? We believe that it does0
In Sweatt v. Painter, supra, in finding that a segregated law school for
Negroes could not provide them equal educational opportunities, this court relied
in large part on '"those qualifies which are incapable of objective measurement
but which make for greatness in a law school." In McLaurin v. Oklahoma State
Regents, supra, the court, in requiring that a Negro admitted to a white
graduate school be treated like all other students, again resorted to intangible
considerations2
his ability to study, engage in discussions and exchange
views with other students, and, in general to learn his profession." Such
considerations apply with added force to children in grade and high schools. To
separate them from others of similar age and qualifications solely because of
their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status in the community
that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone. The
effect of this separation on their educational opportunities was well stated by a
finding in the Kansas case by a court which nevertheless felt compelled to rule
against the Negro plaintiffs?
"Segregation of white and colored children in public schools has a detrimental
effect upon the colored children. The impact is greater when it has the sanction
of the law| for the policy of separating the races is usually interpreted as
denoting the inferiority of the Negro group. A sense of inferiority affects the
motivation of a child to learn. Segregation with the sanction of law, therefore,
has a tendency to retard the educational and mental development of Negro children
and to deprive them of some of the benefits they would receive in a racially
integrated school system."
Whatever may have been the extent of psychological knowledge at the time of
Plessy v. Ferguson, this finding is amply supported by modern authority.
Any
language in Plessy v. Ferguson contrary to this finding is rejected.
We conclude that in the field of public education the doctrine of "separate
but equal" has no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.
Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly situated for whom the
actions have been brought are, by reason of the segregation complained of,
deprived of the equal protection of the law guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment.
This disposition makes unnecessary any discussion whether such segregation also
violates the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

�Text of High Court Ruling on School Segreation - 4.

Because these are class actions, because of the wide applicability of this
decision, and because of the great variety of local conditions, the formulation
of decrees in these cases presents problems of considerable complexity. On
reargument, the consideration of appropriate relief was necessarily subordinated
to the primary question— the constitutionality of segregation in public education.
We have now announced that such segregation is a denial of the equal protection
of the laws.
In order that we may have the full assistance o£ the parties in formulating
decrees, the cases will be restored to the docket, and the parties are requested
to present further argument on questions 4 and 5 previously propounded by the
court for the reargument this term. The Attorney-General of the United States
is again invited to participate. The Attomeys-General of the States requiring
or permitting segregation in public education will also be permitted to appear
as amici curiae upon request to do so by Sept. 15, 1954, and submission of briefs
by Oct. 1, 1954. It is so ordered.

(End of Supreme Court decision)

Memorandums
Questions 4 and 5, mentioned in the last paragraph of the idSBision above, were
set up by the Supreme Court before the anti-segregation ruling. Questions 4 and 5 l/
ares
If segregation were held unconstitutional, should the Court decree that
within limits set by normal geographic school districting, Negro children
forthwith should be admitted to schools of their choice, or might the
Court exercise its powers for a gradual adjustment from segregated to
ncnsegregated schools?

Should the Court formulate detailed decrees, what specific issues should
such decrees reach, should the court appoint a special master to hear
evidence and recommend specific terms for the decrees, cr should the Court
send the problem back to the lower courts with directions to frame decrees
to put into effect the will of the high tribunal?

1/

Summarized by The Washington Post and Times Herald for May 18, 1954.

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                    <text>Leading Ed5.tor.-ial from The Ksv; York Times
May 18, 1954-

"ALL GOD'S CHILLIIN"
The Supreme Court took a long and careful time to arrive at the unanimous
decision re id yesterday by Chiei? Justice barren that "segregation of children in
the public schools solely on the basis of race, even though the physical facilities
end other 5 tangible! factors nay be equal, deprives the children of the minority
group of equal educational opportunities," But the decision reached was inevitable
in the year 1954 regardless of what may have been the case in 1868, when the Four­
teenth Amendment was adopted, or in 1896, when the "separate but equal" doctrine
uas laid down in the case of flossy v. Ferguson,
In the case under consideration the facilities offered to Negro children
appeared to be equal, or were to be made equal, "with respect to buildings,
curricula, qualifications end salaries of ojachers and other 'tangible1 factors,"
to those available to white children. The question, therefore, was more fundamental
than in any previous case. It was whether Negro children segregated solely on
tie basis of race, even though offered equal facilities, were thereby deprived of
equil educational opportunities. The court holds that such segregation does have
” i detrimental effect upon the colored children," that it had "a tendency to
rstrrd (theirj) educational and mental development «** and to deprive them of
som of the benefits they would receive in a racially integrated school system,"
The eonrt, speaking thr. igh Chief Jus tice Warren, therefore concludes that
"separate educational facil5.ti.rs .-re inherently unequal," that the plaintiffs and
o'ih' rs similarly situated "are by reason of the segregation complained of deprived
c ' - he equal protection of the lavs guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment," The
due process clause is not involved. It is not needed.
What the court is saying, is its formal, out, not complicated style, is a part
c:' ihat Eugene O'Neill said in a play called "All God's Ch3.11un Got Wings." It
in true, of course, that the court is not talking of that sort of .equality" which
procucos inter-racial marriages. It is not talking of a octal system at all.
It i3 talking of a system of human rights which 5 s foreshadowed in the second
.
p; n graph of the Declaration of independence, which stated "that all. men are
crested equal." Mr. Jefferson and the others who ere responsible for the Declara­
t o r did not intend to say that all men are squally intelligent, equally good or
eiual in height or weight. They meant to say that men were, and ought to be, equal
before the lrw. If men are equal, children are equal, too. There is an oven
greater necessity in the case of collaron, whose opportunities to advance them­
selves and t s be useful to the community may bo lost if they do not have the right
tc be educated.
No one ;an deny that the mingling of the races in the schools of the seventeen
slates which have required rep-opvtion and the three states which have permitted
io will creawe problems. The fo' -ways in Southern communities will have to be
aJapred to now conditions if while ond egre children, together with white and
Nogr&gt; teacher s, are to enjoy not only equal facilities but the same facilities
in tie same ichools.
The Constitution and tie Bill of Rights are at times hard

�»

Editorial,

Uew York Tines, May IS, 1954 - 2,

:ias era. The court has recognized these difficulties by withholding a decree and
37 nvitlng "the full assistance of tho parties in formulating decrees." The
sas s are therefore restored to the docket .aid the Attorney General, of the United
its es and -;he Attorneys General of the stales requiring or permitting segregation
.a ublic ee.ueation will be permitted to appear before the court next fall. There
;il. be somi delay before orders issue and it may be that petitions for rehearing
and modification will take up a good deal, of time. These matters cannot be hurried.
A constitutional principle inherent in the Declaration of Independence and
iev r entirely forgotten, even in the days of human slavery, has, however, been
•es ated. ' M s nation is often criticized for its treatment of racial minorities,
-and particularly of the Negro. There have been /
- this criticism. Little
r
&gt;7 . ittls, however, in the folic customs and in such decisions as the one rendered
yesterday, ve move toward a more perfect democracy, vlhen some hostile propagandist
rises in Mo; cow or Peiping to accuse us of being a class society vie can if we
vis! recite the courageous words of yesterday's opinion. The highest court in
■ve land, the guardian of our national sorsoience, has reaffirmed its faith—
. i the undj ing American faith— in the equality of all men and all children before
'd
-le law.

�2

-

"

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                    <text>THE AMERICAN NATIONALIST&#13;
&#13;
COURT DECREES MONGRELIZATION&#13;
NAACP Pushes Plan For Bringing&#13;
Total Mongrelization To The South&#13;
&#13;
LOS ANGELES—Nowhere in America is the cult of “&#13;
brotherhood”&#13;
taken more seriously than in California, where from kindergarten on&#13;
the child Is continuously taught the blessings of racial equality and&#13;
the horrors of “&#13;
bigotry” This year some of the visible results of this&#13;
.&#13;
“&#13;
tolerance” propaganda were especially apparent to the parents of&#13;
Los Angeles when the tax-supported Los Angeles City College, largest&#13;
junior college In the U.S., celebrated its 25th anniversary. Chosen as&#13;
queen of the silver anniversary event was Barbara Lee Cooke, an&#13;
attractive white co-ed. The “&#13;
king” fornia and a life-long advocate of&#13;
,&#13;
however, was a Negro as black as&#13;
race-mixing. Warren’ new mis­&#13;
s&#13;
the ace of spades. “&#13;
Brotherhood” sion, it would seem, is to extend&#13;
,&#13;
quite obviously, was beginning to jCalifornia's racerm ix'ng p rogra m&#13;
pay off in Los Angeles. . .&#13;
to all the 48 states. . .&#13;
Although several states, includ­&#13;
A LESSON&#13;
Actually, the disgraceful spec­ ing California, have long main­&#13;
tained interracial schools, 21 states&#13;
tacle at Los Angeles City College&#13;
and the District of Columbia have&#13;
should provide a lesson not only&#13;
continued to segregate Negroes&#13;
to the parents of Los Angeles&#13;
and whites. It is on these states&#13;
(many of whom originally came&#13;
s&#13;
from the deep South) but to par­ that the real impact of the Court’&#13;
radical decision will fall, because&#13;
ents everywhere. P is this: if&#13;
they contain a substantial major­&#13;
white children are educated with&#13;
ity of the nation’ entire Negro&#13;
s&#13;
Negroes, sent to church with them,&#13;
population. The p o p u l a t i o n of&#13;
thrown into constant and intimate&#13;
Mississippi, for example, is about&#13;
social contact with them, and in&#13;
addition are continuously impres­ half white and half Negro. In the&#13;
District of Columbia, which Eisen­&#13;
sed with the virtues of racial&#13;
hower has fatuously designated as&#13;
equality, then such things as this&#13;
a “&#13;
pilot model” for the various&#13;
are inevitable. Young people who&#13;
states to emulate, 57% of the stu­&#13;
are taught all their lives that it&#13;
dents enrolled in public schools&#13;
is wicked to discriminate between&#13;
are Negro while only 43% are&#13;
black and white cannot be blamed&#13;
white.&#13;
too much if they fail to discrim­&#13;
ULTIMATE EFFECT&#13;
inate between a black “&#13;
king”and&#13;
The ultimate effect of the Su­&#13;
a white queen for their school&#13;
preme court’ ruling against seg­&#13;
s&#13;
anniversary, nor, for that mattter,&#13;
if they fail to discriminate be­ regated schools will not, however,&#13;
be apparent for many years. The&#13;
tween a white or black marriage&#13;
process of mixing whites and Ne­&#13;
partner. . .&#13;
groes in the classroom may, as a&#13;
SEGREGATION CASE&#13;
matter of fact, be relatively slow&#13;
Ironically, the episode at Los&#13;
in many cases.&#13;
Angeles City College occurred on&#13;
The real damage will be done&#13;
the eve of the Supreme Court’&#13;
s&#13;
on the psychological front. The&#13;
child will be conditioned at first&#13;
to accept the mere presence of&#13;
Negro students in the classroom.&#13;
Later he will be taught that all&#13;
races are -equal in ability and intellectual capacity and that there&#13;
is no essential difference between&#13;
the various racial groups. He will&#13;
be inoculated against the evils of&#13;
“&#13;
bias”and “&#13;
prejudice", and train­&#13;
ed to look upon any manifestation&#13;
of racial pride or consciousness as&#13;
anti-social, if not criminal. . .&#13;
BRAINWASH&#13;
Only when this process of brain­&#13;
washing is far enough along will&#13;
the student be introduced to the&#13;
joys of interracial social activities.&#13;
Needless to say, it is only a step&#13;
from there to interracial lovemaking and marriage, and as a&#13;
matter of fact the legal barriers&#13;
against interracial marriages have&#13;
already been obliterated in some&#13;
This interracial cake-cutting ceremony was&#13;
states. And if all this seems far­&#13;
the highlight of the 25th Silver Anniversary&#13;
fetched and over imaginative, it&#13;
celebration at Los Angeles City College.&#13;
should be remembered that this&#13;
An entire generation o f California’ young&#13;
s&#13;
people have been brain-washed with "tol­&#13;
very thing has already occurred&#13;
erance" and "brotherhood" propaganda in&#13;
in some states, as the photographs&#13;
preparation for this sort of thing.&#13;
of Los Angeles City College will&#13;
d e c i s i o n o u t l a w i n g segregated&#13;
attest. . .&#13;
schools. And fittingly enough, the&#13;
N.A.A.C.P.&#13;
Court’ anti-segregation decision&#13;
s&#13;
In this connection it would be&#13;
was read by chief-justice Earl&#13;
well to give some attention to the&#13;
Warren, former governor of Cali­ National Association for the Ad-&#13;
&#13;
Shown here Is a preview of what&#13;
Supreme Court's anti-segregation ruling&#13;
mately means for parents everywhere.&#13;
above event occurred recently when&#13;
&#13;
the&#13;
ulti­&#13;
The&#13;
the&#13;
&#13;
v a n c e m e n t of C o l o r e d People&#13;
(NAACP) which in the main was&#13;
responsible for bringing about the&#13;
school s e g r e g a t i o n ruling. The&#13;
NAACP b r o u g h t f o u r separate&#13;
suits challenging the legality of&#13;
segregated schools and it was on&#13;
the basis of this action that the&#13;
Court rendered its startling deci­&#13;
sion outlawing segregated schools.&#13;
SILENT REVOLUTION&#13;
This, incidentally, is but the&#13;
latest of a series of court victories&#13;
achieved by the radical, trouble­&#13;
making NAACP — victories which&#13;
have brought about a “&#13;
silent revo­&#13;
lution” in race relations in this&#13;
country within the past decade.&#13;
The NAACP's most notable vic­&#13;
tory previous to the school segre­&#13;
gation case was, of course, the&#13;
ruling under which the Supreme&#13;
Court outlawed restrictive cove­&#13;
nants, thus making it possible for&#13;
Negroes to force their way into&#13;
previously all-white neighborhoods.&#13;
The NAACP won another out­&#13;
standing victory when it obtained&#13;
a Supreme Court ruling which&#13;
compels Washington D.C. restau­&#13;
rants and hotels to cater to Ne­&#13;
groes—a precedent which is bound&#13;
to be applied elsewhere as time&#13;
goes on.&#13;
In other Supreme Court cases&#13;
the NAACP won decisions which&#13;
insure Negroes the “&#13;
right”to at­&#13;
tend white universities and to&#13;
ride with whites in public con­&#13;
veyances. . .&#13;
There have been other similar&#13;
cases. In each instance it was the&#13;
NAACP bringing suit; in each&#13;
case the Supreme Court either up­&#13;
held obscure and little known&#13;
anti-segregation laws, or it out­&#13;
lawed statutes under which seg­&#13;
regation was enforced.&#13;
OTHER VICTORIES&#13;
The NAACP has also advanced&#13;
the “&#13;
silent revolution” with the&#13;
help of the executive branch of&#13;
the government. Its greatest vic­&#13;
tory in this field was the "inte­&#13;
gration”of Negroes and whites in&#13;
the Armed Forces. Under the “&#13;
in­&#13;
tegration”&#13;
program—started under&#13;
Truman and completed this year&#13;
&#13;
student-body at Los Angeles City C ollege&#13;
chose a Negro "king” and a white queen&#13;
to preside over the school's 25th Silver&#13;
Anniversary celebration. . .&#13;
&#13;
by Eisenhower — all branches of&#13;
the military have been mongrelized, with Negroes and whites&#13;
serving t o g e t h e r in interracial&#13;
units for the first time in Amer­&#13;
ican history. In many respects the&#13;
NAACP regards this as its great­&#13;
est victory, surpassing even the&#13;
school segregation case in impor­&#13;
tance.&#13;
LITTLE F.E.P.C.&#13;
Another NAACP victory, won&#13;
with the help of organized Jewry,&#13;
was the so-called “&#13;
little F.E.P.C.”&#13;
which Eisenhower instituted last&#13;
year. The “&#13;
little F.E.P.C." compels&#13;
all government contractors to hire&#13;
Negroes and members of other&#13;
minority groups under threat of&#13;
having their contracts cancelled,&#13;
thus imposing over a substantial&#13;
portion of American industry a&#13;
de facto FEPC. . .&#13;
THE PATTERN&#13;
This, then, is the pattern of the&#13;
“&#13;
silent revolution” silent, creep­&#13;
—a&#13;
ing, insidious revolution w h i c h&#13;
even at this moment is stealing&#13;
upon this Republic like an assas­&#13;
sin in the night. And it should be&#13;
noted that this revolution is not&#13;
being promoted by legislation, but&#13;
by executive decree and court de­&#13;
cision. Not a single one of the&#13;
above described "civil rights”vic(Continued on next page)&#13;
&#13;
RACIAL SELF-RESPECT&#13;
The advocates of racial mon­&#13;
grelization are again dusting off&#13;
the canard about children hav­&#13;
ing no inborn racial conscious­&#13;
ness. They argue that children&#13;
acquire racial awareness from&#13;
their g r o wn u p s , who teach&#13;
them racial “&#13;
prejudice” . . .&#13;
They are right, too. Children&#13;
ARE born without racial pre­&#13;
judice. They are also bom with­&#13;
out any prejudice against an&#13;
open flame, a sharp instrument&#13;
or a poisonous insect. The point&#13;
is that children must be taught&#13;
the difference b e t w e e n good&#13;
and bad, right and wrong, black&#13;
and white. . .&#13;
—Frank L. Britton&#13;
&#13;
�THE AMERICAN NATIONALIST&#13;
&#13;
The Goal: M ongrelization Unlimited!&#13;
(Continued from Page One)&#13;
&#13;
tories was obtained through an&#13;
act of Congress. . .&#13;
BEHIND N.A.A.C.P.&#13;
This brings us to the question&#13;
as to what the NAACP’ ultimate&#13;
s&#13;
objective really is. This is impor­&#13;
tant because we know from past&#13;
experience the NAACP no sooner&#13;
wins a concession than it makes&#13;
new and even more extreme de­&#13;
mands, each victory is followed&#13;
by new agitation. It is appropriate,&#13;
therefore, to examine the NAACP’&#13;
s&#13;
program in some detail.&#13;
JEWISH LEADERSHIP&#13;
Before doing that, however, it&#13;
is necessary to correct a popular&#13;
misconception as to the leader­&#13;
ship of the NAACP. Because it is&#13;
not really and truly a Negro or­&#13;
ganization at all. The people be­&#13;
hind the NAACP are not Negroes,&#13;
but Jews. This will come as a sur­&#13;
prise to some because the organi­&#13;
zation invariably uses Negroes as&#13;
fronts for its activities, and the&#13;
rank and file of its staff is Negro.&#13;
Nevertheless t h e president of&#13;
NAACP, and the real power in&#13;
the o r g a n i z a t i o n , is the Jew,&#13;
Arthur Spingarn. When this fact is&#13;
digested the revolutionary pro­&#13;
gram of the NAACP becomes a&#13;
little more comprehensible. . .&#13;
THINGS TO COME&#13;
The NAACP’ objective for the&#13;
S&#13;
next ten years is no secret. On the&#13;
contrary it has been mapped out&#13;
in detail and publicized under the&#13;
slogan, "Free by 63” The “&#13;
.&#13;
Free by&#13;
63” campaign was launched last&#13;
March at a Washington D.C. meet­&#13;
ing with the blessings of Ike&#13;
Eisenhower, who addressed t h e&#13;
convention. The plan calls for the&#13;
raising of a million dollars an­&#13;
nually for the next ten years and&#13;
the announced goal is the total&#13;
abolishment of racial segregation.&#13;
THE GOAL&#13;
In simple terms, the NAACP’&#13;
s&#13;
goal is to “&#13;
integrate" Negroes into&#13;
SUPREME COURT&#13;
These are the nine left-wing political&#13;
appointees who have decreed that your&#13;
child must hereafter attend school with&#13;
Negroes:&#13;
To begin with there is Felix Frank­&#13;
furter, a Jew and an ardent defender&#13;
of Sacco and Vanzetti—and a character&#13;
witness for Alger Hiss during his per­&#13;
jury trial . . . There is Hugo Black,&#13;
who twice accepted awards from the&#13;
“&#13;
Southern Conference for Human W el­&#13;
fare"—one of the most notorious Com ­&#13;
munist-front organizations in existence&#13;
. . . There is Stanley Reed, who, with&#13;
Frankfurter, appeared as a voluntary&#13;
character witness for Alger Hiss at his&#13;
trial . . . There is the contemptible&#13;
Robt. Jackson (the hangman of Nurem­&#13;
berg) who helped draw up the ex post&#13;
facto “&#13;
war crimes" statutes at Nurem­&#13;
berg—and then proceeded to prosecute&#13;
the helpless German leaders under those&#13;
same laws . . . There is William Doug­&#13;
las, a fanatic leftist who tried desper­&#13;
ately to save the atom spies, Julius and&#13;
Ethel Rosenberg, from the electric chair&#13;
with an extra-legal stay of execution&#13;
last year . . . And finally there is the&#13;
Negro-loving Earl Warren, who was not&#13;
even a member of the Court when the&#13;
segregation case was being argued, yet&#13;
who used his leverage as Chief Justice&#13;
to bring in a unanimous decision against&#13;
segregation—-as he had obviously agreed&#13;
to do before his appointment. . .&#13;
These men, and these men alone,&#13;
have "outlawed" segregated schools.&#13;
&#13;
S&lt;\&#13;
&#13;
Each year the student-body at the taxsupported Los Angeles City College, fargesi junior college in the U.S., puts on a&#13;
“&#13;
Howdy H op "—a dance to welcome new&#13;
students into campus society. In recent&#13;
years these affairs have to an increasing&#13;
extent assumed an interracial flavor, and&#13;
&#13;
the spectacle of a buck Negro dancing&#13;
with a white coed has becom e a common­&#13;
place occurrence. Last September this interacial motif reached a sort of apex when&#13;
a white gueen and a black “&#13;
king" were&#13;
selected to reign over the “&#13;
Howdy Hop".&#13;
And within a ten-month period Los Angeles&#13;
&#13;
City C ollege was the scene of two such&#13;
interracial "coronations" in which colored&#13;
“&#13;
kings" were paired off with white girls.&#13;
And just as race-mixing has com e to Los&#13;
Angeles, so it wilt com e to your community,&#13;
to your school, perhaps to your family. The&#13;
Supreme court has so decreed it. . .&#13;
&#13;
whi t e residential neighborhoods&#13;
until the “&#13;
black belt”and the all&#13;
white neighborhood are merged&#13;
and thus cease to exist as such.&#13;
The NAACP’ program is based&#13;
s&#13;
upon the premise that anti-dis­&#13;
crimination laws now in existence&#13;
are ineffective so long as Negroes&#13;
and whites continue to occupy&#13;
separate residential communities.&#13;
Under p r e s e n t conditions, the&#13;
NAACP argues, Negro business&#13;
establishments operate o n l y i n&#13;
Negro communities, while white&#13;
business places service only white&#13;
districts. Negro civil servants—i.e.&#13;
police, firemen, postal employees,&#13;
etc. — generally are assigned to&#13;
Negro areas, while white civil&#13;
servants w o r k in white areas.&#13;
Schools in Negro districts are&#13;
attended exclusively by Negroes,&#13;
and by the same rule whites often&#13;
attend their own schools even in&#13;
states where there is no official&#13;
school segregation. Negro districts&#13;
have their own social organiza­&#13;
tions and churches, as do the&#13;
whites. Similarly, swimming pools,&#13;
social affairs and sports activities&#13;
tend to follow along the same&#13;
lines, although there are many ex­&#13;
ceptions to the rule. Thus, accord­&#13;
ing to the NAACP’ reasoning, the&#13;
s&#13;
races will not freely mingle so&#13;
long as they reside in different&#13;
neighborhoods. This is the key to&#13;
the entire situation.&#13;
“&#13;
FREE BY ’&#13;
68”&#13;
The NAACP’ proposed solution,&#13;
s&#13;
therefore, is to mix up whites and&#13;
Negroes until there is no such&#13;
thing as a white or black residen­&#13;
tial area. Then, and only then,&#13;
will Negroes and whites mix at&#13;
&#13;
school, at work, at church, in res­&#13;
taurants, at the swimming pool,&#13;
at sports and in social activities.&#13;
That, in essence, is the goal of the&#13;
NAACP's “&#13;
Free by 63“campaign.&#13;
&#13;
the outlawing of restrictive covenants,&#13;
the president’ “&#13;
s little F.E.P.C.” and&#13;
other similar developments are but&#13;
the first steps in this process. You&#13;
have only to look again at the pic­&#13;
tures shown at the beginning of this&#13;
article to see what the eventual out­&#13;
come will be. Somewhere along the&#13;
line Americans are going to have to&#13;
take a stand. They are going to have&#13;
to take a stand or it will forever be&#13;
too late. . .&#13;
&#13;
SIGNIFICANCE: It is impossible&#13;
to review this particular situation&#13;
without experiencing a chill of horror&#13;
over what is happening. The Jewdominated NAACP has outlined what&#13;
amounts to a declaration of revolu­&#13;
tion; a revolution more sweeping and&#13;
profound in its total effect than any­&#13;
thing we have ever experienced in&#13;
our history. The ultimate goal is to&#13;
bastardize our civilization; to place&#13;
Negroes in our schools, in our resi­&#13;
dential neighborhoods, in our social&#13;
clubs, and even in our living rooms.&#13;
&#13;
NOTE: The above reprint originally ap­&#13;
peared in the June issue of the AMERICAN&#13;
NATIONALIST.&#13;
&#13;
O N RACE-MIXING&#13;
It has been said that&#13;
"G o d made the white man,&#13;
And God made the blaclc man,&#13;
But the DEVIL made the mulatto" ...&#13;
— Unknown&#13;
You can help defeat the NAACP's pro­&#13;
gram for compulsory mongrelization in two&#13;
ways:&#13;
(1) You can distribute additional copies&#13;
of this tract.&#13;
(2) You can subscribe to the AMERICAN&#13;
NATIONALIST, America's most forthright&#13;
and fearless patriotic journal.&#13;
&#13;
THE AMERICAN NATIONALIST&#13;
Box 301, Inglewood, Calif.&#13;
FRANK L. BRITTON, Editor ~&#13;
□ One year $3.00&#13;
□ Two years $5.00&#13;
Name.................................&#13;
Alvin Spingarn, president of NAACP&#13;
This s Alvin Spingarn, the Jew who has&#13;
headed the NAACP since 19 9 the fact has&#13;
3.&#13;
been generally suppressed, but the NAACP&#13;
is, and has been from its inception, a&#13;
Jew-controlled organization.&#13;
&#13;
Street.................................&#13;
&#13;
They will never rest until every&#13;
racial barrier and restriction has been&#13;
destroyed. The school segregation ban&#13;
&#13;
Packets of this tract may be purchased&#13;
at following rates: Packet of 1 for $1.00;&#13;
2&#13;
Packet of 30 for $2.00; Packet of 1 0 for&#13;
0&#13;
$5.00; Packet of 10 for $45.00.&#13;
00&#13;
&#13;
,&#13;
&#13;
City...................................&#13;
State..................................&#13;
&#13;
�</text>
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                    <text>In May of 1954, the students of Los Angeles City College elected a white Queen and Black King in honor of the college's 25th anniversary. A matter of days later, the Supreme Court handed down the Brown v. Board decision. &#13;
&#13;
Frank L. Britton, of Inglewood California, was the editor of "The American Nationalist," a bimonthly newspaper from which this broadside was reprinted. In it, Britton connects these two events as indicating that a trend of miscegenation-- which many white racists like Britton saw as an abomination.</text>
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