5 20 235 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/544a1722f4423a385e8497b4db7bcb7c.pdf 7b6fd039559f3c15339975a66f8faca2 PDF Text Text A PLAN for the Preservation of the Virginia Public School System P ro p o sed I>y P r elim in a ry Statem ent V \ 7 H I L E th is p la n is n o t keyed * ^ specifically to the R eferen d u m f o r a C o n s titu tio n a l C o n v e n tio n held Janu ary 9, i t bears u p o n th a t R eferendum in one im p o r ta n t respect. T h e plan w h ic h fo llo w s is based o n the assum ption th a t the outcom e o f the referendum on the C o n s titu tio n a l C o n v e n tio n in no sense w h ate ver forecloses calm c o n s id e r a t i o n o f the best m e th o d fo r h a n d lin g the im pact on V ir g in ia ’s p u b lic school system o f the S u prem e C o u r t’s decision o f M a y 17, 1 9 5 4 and its im p le m e n tin g decree o f M a y 31 , 1955. A s th e outcom e o f th e referen d u m w as favorable to the c a llin g o f the C o n v e n tio n , it is lik e ly th a t extrem e factions on one side w i ll herald the event as a great v ic to ry f o r “ a n ti- in te g ra tio n " ; on the o th e r h an d, had the outcom e been u n fa v o ra b le , extreme fa c tio n s on the o th e r side w o u ld have in te r preted i t as a great v ic to r y f o r “ in tegre g a tio n .” N e ith e r extrem e, no m a tte r h o w vocal, is believed to be a c o rrc t reflection o f the d o m in a n t v ie w o f the th o u g h tfu l c itiz e n s o f V irg in ia . T h is fo llo w s because m a n y peo ple voted fo r the C o n v e n tio n on the th e o ry th a t it w i l l s im p ly re m ove a possible im p e d im e n t to fu tu re legislative f le x ib ilit y and dis cretion. T h is is a fa r c ry fro m a b la n k e t endorsement o f the k in d s o f extrem e measures advocated in some quarters or even the m ore m oderate proposals o f the G ra y C o m m issio n R e port. O n the other h a n d , a vote against the c a llin g o f the C o n v e n tio n in no sense carries the im p lic a tio n th a t a ll w h o are opposed to the C o n v e n tio n fa v o r q u ic k m ethods o f in te g ra tio n . Q u ite the c o n tra ry, m a n y w h o o p posed the c a llin g o f the C o n v e n tio n d id so o n ly because th e y believe be tte r choices are available. fo r F E B R U A R Y , 1956 DR. B . J . C H A N D L E R , Associate Professor and D R . D O U G L A S S . W A R D . Acting Dean School o f E ducation , U niversity o f Virginia, C harlottesville T h e p la n b e lo w inclines more closely to those advocated in ne ig h b o rin g states o f M a ry la n d , W est V ir g in ia , and N o r th C a ro lin a than to those proposed in M issis sip p i and G eorgia. A n y p la n f o r the preservation o f V irg in ia ’s p u b lic schools in the face o f the U n ite d States Supreme C o u rt decision m a k in g com pulsory segregation o f races in schools u n c o n s titu tio n a l m u st rest upon fo u r fu n d a m e n ta l prin cip le s. A satis fa cto ry p la n m u s t: 1. Be consiste nt w ith the C o u rt’s requirem ent o f “ deliberate speed" in a b o lis h in g the practice o f com p u lso ry segregation. “ Deliberate speed" m ust be determ ined com m u n ity b y c o m m u n ity . 2. E m p lo y the basic processes o f dem ocracy. T h is prin c ip le re quires the active p a rtic ip a tio n in the fo rm u la tio n o f plans o f people w h o stand to be affected b y those plans. F u rth e r, respect fo r m a jo r it y decisions, use o f experts, and search fo r s o lu tio n s th ro u g h fact fin d in g and p ro b le m solvin g m eth- D r . B . J . C h a n d le r ods are basic processes o f dem oc racy w h ic h m ust be fo llo w e d . 3. Respect local tra d itio n s , be liefs. and customs. Deep-seated personal convictions and t r a d it io n al attitud es cannot be changed b y ju d ic ia l fiat. T h e p la n m u s t be reasonable and gradual and m ust a v o id abruptness, o r a tte m p ts to force change. 4. Assure the c o ntin ued ope ra tio n o f the p u b lic schools in every c o u n ty and c ity in the C o m m o n w e a lth . T h e im perative need f o r m a in ta in in g and im p ro v in g o u r p u b lic education system is recog nized generally th ro u g h o u t V i r g in ia . A ls o , any plan th a t is f o r m ulated m ust be econom ical, and a tta in a b le w ith in the fin a n c ia l re sources o f the State. T h e p lan, o u tlin e d in three parts, w h ic h fo llo w s , is consistent w i t h these fu n d a m e n ta l prin c ip le s . I t has fle x ib ility sufficient to p e r m it local a u to n o m y in the opera tio n o f schools. Because i t is S tatew ide, positive in nature, and recognizes th a t the p ro b le m d if- D r . D o u g la s S. W a r d 13 �w o r k o u t operating plans f o r schools to meet problem s a ris in g o u t o f the Supreme C o u rt r u lin g and to s u b m it these p lans as recommenda tio n s to lo ca l school boards. 2. T o a d v is e c o m m u n it y g roups and serve as an in fo rm a tio n clearing house fo r p lans as th e y are developed. 3. T o assemble plans p u t in to o p e ra tio n in school divisio ns and tra n s m it these to the ap p ro p ria te official designated b y the Federal C o urts as e v i dence o f good fa ith in com pliance w i t h the “ deliberate speed” edict. fers fro m c o m m u n ity to c o m m u n ity , i t is believed th a t i t w o u ld meet the C o u rt's re q u ire m e n t o f “ a ll deliberate speed” i f carried o u t in good fa ith . I t is assumed f u r th e r th a t present school staffs in each school d iv is io n w o u ld be m a in ta in e d . T h e P lan 1. E s ta b lis h m e n t b y th e G en era l A s s e m b ly o f a S ta te A d v is o r y C o u n c il o n P u b lic E d u c a tio n .* I t is recognized th a t the G ray C o m m iss io n was an a d h o c bod y. I t has dealt w ith the segregation p ro b le m on an emergency basis. I t n o w seems app rop riate and neces sary fo r a council to be con stitu te d on a lo n g range, c o n tin u in g basis. T h e coun cil shou ld be constituted so as to be b ro a d ly representative and in clude people w h o are in tim a te ly acquainted w it h problem s re s u ltin g fro m the Suprem e C o u rt decision. I t is suggested th a t the c o u n c il m ig h t be organized in the f o llo w in g m anner: A . A p p o in tm e n t: B y the G o ve rn o r, fro m n o m in a tio n s made b y a com m ittee consisting o f the presidents o f the State-supported h ig h e r in s ti tu tio n s . T h is com m itte e sh ou ld consider recom m endations fro m . the various groups w h ic h are to be represented, as nam ed in the fo llo w in g paragraph. B. M em b ersh ip: F o u r legislators T w o State D e p a rtm e n t o f E d u cation representatives O ne representative fro m the V i r g in ia School B o ards Associa tio n O ne d iv is io n supe rinte ndent o f schools O ne representative fro m the V i r g in ia E d ucation A sso ciation O ne representative fro m the V i r g in ia Teachers A sso ciation O ne representative fro m the P a r ent-Teacher A s so cia tio n — W h ite O ne representative fro m the P a r ent-Teacher A s so cia tio n — Negro T w o representatives o f the gen eral pub lic. C. F u n c tio n : 1. T o encourage c o m m u n ity leaders a d viso ry groups to * See Appendix A fo r suggestions concern in g w ork of th e Council. 14 I I. A. B. E s ta b lis h m e n t o f a C o m m u n i ty L e a d e rs A d v iso r y G ro u p in E a c h S c h o o l D iv is io n .1 A p p o in tm e n t: B y the m a y o r, o r the ch a ir m an o f the b o a rd o f supervisors, upo n recom m endations from the groups to be represented as named in the fo llo w in g para graph : M e m b e rs h ip : T w o — C it y coun cil or board o f supervisors T w o — S ch ool board F o u r— P a ren t-T eache r Associa tio n s , in c lu d in g Negro repre se n ta tio n T w o — G eneral p u b lic T w o — S c h o o l a dm in istrators a n d /o r teachers. C. F u n c tio n s : 1. C a re fu lly assess local p u b lic s e n tim e n t regarding school segregation. 2. W o r k o u t procedures th a t lo ca l p u b lic o p in io n is ju d g e d lik e ly to accept. 3. Secure agreement o f leader s h ip o f b o th races concern in g the exact extent, school b y school, o f segregation o r non -seg rega tion proposed.2 4. Present recommended plans to the d iv is io n school board. 5. In fo r m the State A d v is o ry C o u n c il o n P u b lic E d ucation o f p la n s and local develop m ents. 6 . C o n tin u e to meet as lo ng as need exists fo r adjustm ent o r deve lo p m e n t o f plans.3 1. See A ppendix B for suggestions concern ing operation of th e Community Groups. 2. See A ppendix B. Item 2. 3. See A ppendix B, Item 3. III. S ta tu to r y A u th o r ity o f L o ca l S c h o o l B o a rd s to A s s ig n I n d iv id u a l P u p ils to S c h o o ls . I f a satisfacto ry p la n is n o t de veloped in a school d iv is io n u t il iz in g the procedures described above, o r i f plans developed lo c a lly and placed in ope ratio n pro ve unsa tis fa c to ry , the local school board w o u ld be le g a lly em pow ered to : A u th o riz e and supervise the assignm ent o f in d iv id u a l p u p ils b y professional school personnel in accordance w ith cle a rly de fined criteria related to : fa ) sex. f b ) in telligence, (c ) academic achievem ent, and ( d ) place o f residence ( d is tric tin g ) . I t is assumed th a t a ll C o m m u n it y Leaders A d v is o ry G roups w o u ld continue to meet and to p e r sist in efforts to develop plans c o n sistent w ith the fo u r fu n d a m e n ta l p rin c ip le s upo n w h ic h th is entire p la n is based. * * * I t is suggested th a t the p la n o u t lin e d in the fore goin g pages be s u b m itte d to the G eneral A sse m bly irrespective o f the outcom e o f the referendum , o r o f the C o n s titu tio n a l C o n ve n tio n . N o e ffo rt has been made to specify the legislative details o f the plan offered because i t is recognized th a t: (a ) certain e x is tin g statutes w o u ld need to be revised o r m odified, and (b ) d r a ftin g o f le gislative b ills is an exactin g task re q u irin g the services o f legal experts. A p p en d ix A T h e State A d v is o ry C o u n c il s h ou ld organize its e lf in to w o r k in g com mittees to deal w ith phases o f the problem s c o n fro n tin g it. U n d o u b te d ly , a sm all staff, in c lu d in g legal counsel, w o u ld be necessary. In the event the w o r k o f the State C o u n cil extends ove r a perio d o f years (perhaps five o r m o re ) some p ro v is io n fo r lim it in g the term s o f members, and fo r m a in ta in in g m em bership, w o u ld be necessary. A p p en d ix B 1. I t m ay be advisable fo r C o m m u n ity A d v is o ry G ro u p s to h o ld th e ir in it ia l m eetings as execu tiv e sessions. M eetings open to the p u b lic and press m ay be advisable VIRGINIA JOURNAL OF EDUCATION �la te r as local c o n d itio n s w a rrant, a t the discretion o f the local G roup. 2. As o f a given date, non-seg regation m ig h t be announced fo r: ( a ) a ll schools o f a school d iv i sion, ( b ) one o r m ore schools, (c) certain grades in a ll schools, or ( d ) certain grades in one o r more schools. T h e n u m b e r o f Negro p u p ils eligible to atte n d a p a rticu la r school as o f a certain date m ig h t be recommended. 3. P ro b a b ly n o change in pres en t school attendance practices (related to race) w o u ld occur fo r some tim e in certain school d iv i sions. (JiAqinmA, fiduccrfionoL StyWifi/wMif, by H E N R Y A . W IS E (R e tir e d , Form er S u p e rin ten d e n t o f Accom ack C ounty S ch o o ls) To live up to the best traditions of our State and have those [ and the work and effort that they cost; to be proud of Virginia | I Contest on U n ited N ations— Student knowledge of the function and work of the United Nations will be tested in high schools throughout the United States and its territories on March 13, 19S6, date of the 30th Annual High School Contest on the United Nations. The competition, sponsored annually by the American Association for the U nited Nations, will once again take the form of a three-hour examination, combining short-answer and essay questions. Top-ranking students in the nation will receive, as first prize, their choice of a trip to Europe or $500 and, as second prize, a trip to Mexico or $200. American Youth Hostels, New York City, and the Experiment in Inter national Living, Putney, Vermont, will | cooperate in the arranging of prizewinning trips. The study material for the Contest is designed to supplement the regular social studies curriculum with ad ditional factual inform ation about the United Nations, w hat it has done and what it is attem pting to do. The aim of the Contest is not to dramatize the United Nations during a brief period of pre-examination study, but rather to encourage a year-round interest in what is going on in the United Nations. Students in all public, private or parochial high schools are eligible to take the examination. Schools should register through a teacher. Further information may be secured from Miss Lucille Levine, Contest Secretary, American Association for the United Nations, 345 East 46th Street, New York 17, New York. Each school registering will receive one free study kit. for FEBRU ARY , 1956 traditions reflected in our lives; To be in some sense worthy of them because it is our State and our place to work and to play, to live and to love and to grow strong; to glory in it because of its Wash ington, its Lee, its Woodrow Wilson, its Thomas Jefferson, and the hosts of others who have helped to make the name of Virginia a synonym for nobility and devotion to duty; to rejoice in it because of its manhood and womanhood to-day, its boyhood and its girl hood; to be glad of the opportunities it offers for the development of this boyhood and girlhood, and of the opportunity to use these opportunities; to feel regret that many of its men and women, its boys and girls, have never had the opportunity to grow strong physically, mentally, and spiritually, and because of this regret to resolve that from henceforth every man and woman, every boy and girl, shall have his or her chance to obtain and attain the best; to realize more keenly the seriousness of the curse of ignorance, and to exert every effort in our power, cost what it may, to remove this curse from our midst, so that never again shall it be said in Virginia, that a man must "make his mark” instead of signing his name; to wage war against inefficiency wherever it may be found, whether in public life, in private life, in business or in school; to train our boys and girls to control self, to hate and fear deceit, and to love and revere the tru th ; to teach them the dignity of work and the beauty of service; and to remember daily the great trust imposed upon us by those who "sleep in Flanders fields”— to take up "our quarrel with the foe” ; to realize that this quarrel against ignorance and wrong and injustice and inefficiency and deceit and distortion is just as real and just as deadly as was the quarrel with those who would have exterminated all progress and all liberty and all the things that honorable men hold dead; to bear in mind always that "If ye break faith with those who die We shall not sleep though poppies grow In Flanders fields.” 15 �Learning to read involves a complex of skills which each child must acquire in terms of his own physical, emotional, and intellectual make-up. B efore parents can help, they need to know something about the school’s reading program. I Johnny Cant Read ... f HOW Can Parents Help? by C H A R LE S B . H U E L SM A N . JR . T E A C H E R S use fo u r d iffe re n t approaches in teaching c h il dren to read. These operate t o gether rather than in de p e n d e n tly , and an y teacher o r system o m ittin g one o r m ore o f these basic ap proaches is fa ilin g to use the to ta l technique strength th a t is availab le fo r teaching children to read. P a r ents w h o w a n t to help th e ir c h il dren w ith reading m ust, o f course, have an und erstanding o f these techniques. 1. T h e B asic R eader A p p ro a ch Basic readers are graded t e x t books in reading. T h e y begin at 16 the m ost elem e nta ry level (p re primersJ and increase in d iffic u lty year b y year. I n constructing a series o f readers, authors, teachers, and pub lish ers coordinate th e ir e f fo rts to produce a good to o l. T h e y define the c o m p le x o f s k ills called reading; th e y organize these skills so th a t the c h ild comes in contact w ith a ll o f the s k ills in a natural w ay, and th e y p ro v id e suitable re views so th a t th e c h ild has repeated practice in p e rfo rm in g the s k ill. T h is helps the c h ild reta in and con solidate w h a t he learns. A basic series o f reading texts is organized w i t h m eticulous care, g iv in g m a x im u m consideration to w h a t research has discovered a b o u t the processes in v o lv e d in le a rn in g to read. G enerally, a g ro u p o f p e r sons trained in the k n ow led ge and technique o f teaching reading, co operate to design, w rite , try o u t, and p u b lis h basic readers. T o d a y , such readers c o n s titu te an eclectic approach to the p ro b le m o f teaching chi-lren to read. E d u c a to rs and publishers recognize th a t a ll ch ild re n do n o t learn in the same w ay. Instead o f presenting read in g exclusively as p h o n ic o r as v is u al le a rn in g , the tw o m eth ods are com bin ed. T h is gives every c h ild V IR G IN IA JO U RN A L OF ED U C A T IO N � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Magazine article, "A Plan for the Preservation of the Virginia Public School System", by Dr. D.B. Chandler and Dr. Douglas S. Ward, Virginia Journal of Education, February, 1956. 4 pages. Description An account of the resource Authors present a plan for the preservation of Virginia Public Schools in the face of the Supreme Court decision. Plan includes: Be consistent with court's requirement for deliberate speed, employ the basic principles of Democracy, respect local traditions and assure the continued operation of the publish schools. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Virginia Journal of Education, Dr. D.B. Chandler, Dr. Douglas S. Ward Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956-02 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_2_11 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/d90224ac2e890cb676bc1f82c8474ea5.pdf 865ac237f9f57c3789e3df05921247fa PDF Text Text iu HORACE MANN LEAGUE NEWS No. 14 AND AmeA&ca REVIEWS 1955 S eries August 15, 1955 At the St. Louis meeting of the C en tral Division of the H orace Mann League in F ebru ary 1955 a w ell-received a d d re ss was delivered by the Superintendent of In struction of that city in which he describ ed the procedures which were followed in integrating the public schools. It is reproduced here at the request of se v e ra l of our m em bers who heard the ad d ress. St. Louis Integrates its Public Schools Philip J . Hickey Superintendent of Instruction St. Louis Public Schools On May 17, 1954, the Supreme C ourt of the United States unanimously ruled that children of a m inority group forced to attend racially segregated public schools w ere being denied the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment and that they were being deprived of liberty without due process of law in violation of the Fifth Amendment. The ruling specified that even though physical facilities and other tangible factors of racially se p arate schools may be equal, s e g regation itself deprives the children of the minority group of equal educational op portunities because it generates in them a feeling of in ferio rity as to th e ir statu s in the community "that may affect th e ir h ea rts and minds in a way unlikely ev er to be undone" and that also affects th e ir motivation to learn in such a way as to tend to re ta rd their educational and m ental development. Immediately a fte r the announcement of the decision that ra c ia l segregation in pub lic education was unconstitutional, the Board of Education of the City of St. Louis perfected plans to integrate the schools under its ju risd ictio n . This alm ost in sta n t aneous response may be attributed to se v eral facto rs. In the first place, the St. Louis community itself had been undergoing a steady p ro cess of dem ocratization over the past ten y ears as evidenced by an ti-segregation pronouncements of its church and synagogue organizations and its local p re ss, desegregation of its le a d ing colleges and universities and its Catholic elem entary and high schools, and consistent d ecrease in racial segregation and discrim ination in hotel accom m oda tions, public and com m ercial rec re atio n , housing, and employment. In the second place, this sam e decade had w itnessed continuously in creasin g integration of St. Louis public school teachers and principals in the perform ance of th e ir p rofessional duties and the operation of their professional organizations, as illu stra te d by in creased integration of course of study and book selection com m ittees, in c re a se d in tegration of the city-wide E lem entary School P rincipals A ssociation the p resen t president of which happens to be a Negro, and the elim ination of ra c ia l b a rs in the M issouri State T eachers A ssociation. And in the th ird place, th e re had been in operation in the St. Louis Public Schools since Novem ber, 1945, a sy stem a tic human �- 2- relations program of far-reach in g proportions which was inaugurated under the auspices of the A m erican Council on Education and the direction of D r. Hilda Taba and which had fo r its objective discovery and utilization of effective m eans of pro moting good w ill, cooperative living, mutual understanding, and appreciation for one another among the groups of people living in St. Louis. By May 17, 1954, this objective had been to a m easureable extent realized (1) through a c u rric u la r ap proach which involved introduction of m aterials and techniques in the se v e ra l are as of learning — a r t, literatu re, m usic, science, e tc ., - - which would conduce to the im provem ent of human rela tio n s, (2) through an e x tra cu rricu la r approach which involved a ric h variety of ac tiv itie s of an intergroup and inter-sch o o l as w ell as an intram ural nature, and (3) through an extensive in -se rv ic e education approach which involved helping St. Louis te ac h ers acquire sk ills in assistin g pupils to o v er come a rtific ia l b a rrie rs to the acceptance of each individual on his own m e rits. At a special meeting on June 22, 1954, therefore, the Board - - as popularly elec t ed representatives of a community already rejecting the principle of segregation and implementing the principle of integration in significant aspects of its life — officially and unanimously adopted and publicly announced a program for d eseg reg a tion of the schools under its control. This program provided (1) for com plete and orderly integration of the St. Louis Public Schools, beginning Septem ber, 1954, and ending Septem ber, 1955, (2) fo r minimum disruption of the educational p ro gram of students during this period of transition by perm itting those alread y en ro ll ed in a p articu lar school to continue to attend that school until graduation if they and their parents desired and if the school did not becom e overcrowded, and (3) for fair and equitable protection of the in te rests of em ployees and candidates fo r employment without regard to r a c e . Several days a fte r the adoption of th is plan, the sta te 's A ttorney-general ruled that because of the decision of the United S tates Supreme C ourt th e re w ere no longer any valid laws in M issouri which eith er r e quired or perm itted segregation of the races in public schools, thus legally c le a r ing the way fo r unmodified inauguration of the program . Both before and a fte r announcement of the plan, a num ber of key leadership and opinion-form ing organizations of th e community volunteered th eir support and a s s is t ance. These included the local p r e s s , which urged prom pt and if possible a c c e le r ated im plem entation of the program ; the League of Women V oters, which published a pamphlet designed to help the public understand and cooperate with what the Board was undertaking; the Metropolitan Church Federation, which set aside a Sunday for prayer in all its m em ber churches fo r the success of integration; the Rabbinical A ssociation, which issued a statem ent calling on all citizen s to work tow ard and pray for su ccessful integration; the Catholic Church, which had already d e s e g re g a t ed its own schools and counselled its m em bers to cooperate with the Board of E du cation in its program of desegregation; the National Conference of C hristians and Jew s, which undertook training of teen-age leadership groups; the city-w ide p aren ts and patrons organizations, which took further steps tow ards integration on the p a r ent level; and the M ayor's Com m ission on Human R elations, which conducted a workshop on integration for teach ers and adm inistrato rs, bringing to the city a number of educators who had had experience in this field. �-3In Septem ber, 1954, as the in itial step in im plem entation of the plan, the public colleges and the special schools and classes w ere reorganized on an integrated b asis. Stowe Teachers College and Stowe Junior College had been an institution with a Negro student body and a Negro teaching and custodial personnel. H arris T eachers College and H a rris Junior College had been an institution with a white student body and a white teaching and custodial personnel. The two w ere combin ed into one institution and housed in the H a rris College Building, with approxim ate ly forty percent of the student body and faculty Negro and sixty percent of the stu dent body and faculty w hite. T here was also integration of the c le ric a l personnel and custodial staff. The tran sitio n was m ade without incident and in a clim ate of frien dliness and good w ill - - with all in any way participating determ ined to see that it was properly consum m ated. The sp ecial schools and c la sse s for various types of handicapped children were integrated according to the sam e pattern in Septem ber, 1954, and the general high schools and adult education program s sim ila rly integrated on January 31, 1955. In Septem ber, 1955, the operation will be com pleted with integration of the regular elem entary schools and the technical high schools. Each school integrated thus far has proceeded to function after the change with norm al educational effective ness and with a degree of social m aturity which has reflected c re d it on all involv ed. One tangible outcome of the high school and college integration has been that crowded conditions which had prevailed for many y ears at the g en eral high schools for N egroes have been m arkedly am eliorated and two buildings — a fo rm e r college and a fo rm er special school - - have been used for relief of se v eral heavily populat ed elem entary schools. Some additional re lie f much needed on the elem entary lev el will be available when integration proceeds to its third and final step. H ere then is the St. Louis experience of in tegration of its public schools as it is now in pro cess. It is a sto ry of steadily evolving dem ocracy, of community cooper ation, of professional vision on the part of te a c h e rs and principals, of wisdom in policy making and announcement of plans on the p art of the Board of Education, of intelligence in executing the plans as form ulated, of development of dem ocratic student leadership, and of a long-range program of educating boys and g irls in wholesome human relatio n s. We believe that it w ill eventuate in St. L ouis' becom ing a g re a te r and m ore dem ocratic A m erican community and in its public school sy stem 's becoming a m ore tru ly efficient serv an t of such a com munity. We are also convinced that from the economic point of view the community w ill receive g rea ter value for its tax do llar because of the elim ination of unnecessary duplica tion of facilities, reduction in expenses of tran sp o rtatio n , and elim ination of waste in classroom s at a tim e when classroom s a r e at a prem ium . Thus the Board of Education will be enabled to devote a la rg e r proportion of its funds to one of its most urgent problems - - reduction of class siz e . * * * * * * * * * * S elm er H. Berg P resident -General Superintendent of Schools Oakland 6, California E. I. F . WilUams S ecretary-G eneral H eidelberg College Tiffin, Ohio � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "The Horace Mann League of America, News and Reviews" No.14, August 15, 1955. 3 pages. Description An account of the resource Reproduction of a talk, "St. Louis Integrates Its Public Schools", given by Philip J. Hickey, Superintendent of Instruction, St. Louis Public Schools, describing the procedures followed to integrate the St. Louis Public Schools. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Horace Mann League of America, Philip J. Hickey Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1955-08-15 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_2_8 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/0116e9ca3cc3c31efaeb30593bc1dee2.pdf f84d34f69b89647cb910f10984892a03 PDF Text Text TWO TYP ES OF A D V I C E AND A FIRM, INTELLIGENT, CHRISTIAN, AND DEMOCRATIC STAND N T ; There follows reproductions of two (2) editorial^, and an open le tte r from OE one public school superintendent to his fellow citizens, and a poem. The Charleston Daily Mail is a leading West Virginia Daily. The Richmond N s Leader is a leading Virginia Daily. ew Virginia and West Virginia a're alike in the respect that both states have constitutional provisions which require that the children attending the public schools be educated in racially segregated schools. A STAY OF EXECUTION Richmond Mews Leader TIE Q ESTIO IS N T SEG EG TIO BUT U N O R A N THE SUlilEitti' L V OF TtM 'fiiM ; A )' Pardon us, please, if w fa il to join e in the hallelujah chorus raised today by Judge Almond and his jubilee singers. Yesterday's decree in the matter of Prince Edward County is not a pardon and parole; as the Attorney-Ceneral well knows, i t is a stay of execution. So far as integrated public schools are concerned, the problem is not solved; i t is only put off. As we interpret the court's not al together pellucid prose, Prince Edward County — and presumably all other lo calities in Virginia— m operate ay their public schools in 1955-56 as these schools have been operated in the past. The court enjoined Prince Edward from refusing to'admit Negro children to white schools, but this injunction is to apply only "from and after such time as the defendants may have made the necessary arrangements for admis sion of children to such school with all deliberate speed," The court found that such necessary arrangements could not be made prior to commencement of the "regular" school term in September. The court declared, further, that its refusal to order an immediate end to segregation this Fall "is not inconsis tent with the public interest or with the decision'of the Supreme Court." Presumably, the governing officials of Prince Edward County will now vote to reconsider their budget for the 1955-56 fiscal year. Funds will be ap propriated for the public schools,tea cher contracts will be signed, and in September both white and colored chil dren will return to separate classrooms as if there had been no historic court decision. But of course there was such a deci sion. Nothing has been changed by the order entered yesterday. Integrated schools remain as great a threat on Tuesday as on Monday. If Prince Edward County is off the spot, i t is not off for long. The task now,'as Attorney-General Almond remarked, is for the State to get promptly to work "to evolve a law ful solution of the dilemma created by the Supreme Court decision." Such a solution may ‘take the form of a pupil assignment law, a tuition grant law, a Som of our readers seem to be having e a great deal of difficulty with the , Supreme Court's decision on segregation in the public schools. Because West Virginia's Constitution confirms their private sensibilities in this matter, they have somehow got the notion that it. need not make any difference what the Supreme Court of the United States has to say on the subject. Both im plicit and explicit in their comment is the idea that West Virginia can and must refuse to comply. This frame of mind, i t seems to us, rests on some misunderstanding of what the Supreme Court has done and a com plete unawareness of what would be in volved in any effort to defy its de cree. I t is on this subject that our county superintendent of schools has written across the page in a le tte r which we commend for its firmness and fairness. The Supreme Court knew exactly what was in the West Virginia Constitution upholding the policy of segregation. That is why i t wrote in its decree: "All provisions of federal, state or local laws requiring or permitting such discrimination must yield to this new principle." ' This being the case, there is no point in arguing that West Virginia has its ow constitutional sanction in this n matter. That provision was wiped out on M 31, 1955. W remains is not ay hat many different laws,'reflecting local customs and feelings, but one law -the supreme law of the land; For all legal purposes, this ends the matter, but there remains one other possibility. I t is the exercise of what Abraham Lincoln called the peo ple's "revolutionary right" to over throw their government and substitute another. I t could be done. The revo lutionary tradition of the American people is too strong for anyone to conclude that they will never again challenge the authority of the federal government. But the only point worth making is that this is what is involved in th e' distempered feeling that the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court has no July 19, 1955 The Charleston baily Mail July 21*, 1955 �A ST Y OF A Q ESTIO IS N T SE R G T N B T T E U N O G E A IO U H m m rm wmrnw icon>u;THE EXECUTION (con't). local option law; such a solution should embrace means by which local!- . ties, if they wish, can sell their school buildings and abandon public edu cation altogetherj the solution should cover such complex problems as the ac creditation of new private schools and the preservation of teacher retirement benefits. There is much to be done. Meanwhile, we have not the slightest hesitation in expressing admiration for the prudence and wisdom of the Prince Edward people who made resolute plans for the operation of private schools this Fall. If the courts decree had gone the other way - if the court had ordered an immediate end to segregation - they would have been prepared to switch over to private schools by midSeptember, The Prince Edward Educa. tional Corporation performed a near miracle in fund-raising; in l i t t l e more than one month, without a campaign or ganization or a high-powered publicity drive, they raised - on a per capita basis - the equivalent of four annual Community Chest campaigns in Richmond. I t was a valiant effort. And our suggestion to the good people of Prince Edward would be to keep their powder dry. The fight against integra tion-is not to be won in a single after noon, or in a dozen afternoons. O June n 1, we urged the defenders of segregated schools to prepare themselves for S0 > years'qf litigation, if need be. As of today, we have lt9 years to go. * * * * just or usefull meaning for West Virgin nia. Implicit in this trend of thought is a course of action leading on to re bellion, violence and the overthrow of everything we have com to associate e with the United States of America. For what? For the perpetuation of an outmoded and inhumane discrimination between white children and black chil dren which has no sanction in any of our great religions, no authority in the court duly authorized to interpret and protect our democratic principles, no counterpart in the customs and be havior of other civilized and enlight ened societies. * * ■ * •» # Vt FC S B R R OE REFLECTION AND SELF ANALYSIS READ Josiah G, Holland's PCEM ON PAGE It ■ * •» . a - a * # « # # # The Superintendent Speaks T E Q ESTIO IS; O E O D E A D H U N B Y R ISR G R By Dr. Virgil L. Flynn Superintendent of Schools To the Editor of the Daily Mails Banawha County You have published several letters regarding integration and desegregation from contributors to the column "The Point of View" which indicate there are s t i l l many misconceptions regarding the Supreme Court's opinions and Board of Education responsibilities. This letter attempts to clear up some of these misunderstandings, ' The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, Article XIV, Sectional, reads: "...»no state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge"the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States,...nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the law," O M 17, 195U, the Supreme Court of the United States decided that segrega n ay ted school systems denied Negro pupils equal rights, • O M 31, 1955, the Supreme Court said: “These cases were decided on M n ay ay 17, 1951. The opinions of that date, declaring the fundamental principle that ra cial discrimination in public education is Unconstitutional, are incorporated here in by reference. All provisions of federal, state or local law requiring or per mitting such discrimination must yield to this principle. There remains for con sideration the manner in which re lie f is to be accorded." • Therefore, there is no valid constitutional provision or legislative act re quiring segregated school systems in West Virginia. A state could delay the de-' segregation process until a suit was brought against each non-complying d is tric t, but is i t better to obey the "law of the-land" voluntarily or to wait u n til forced to obey what you already know is the law, or should know is the law of the land. W have four types of social orders in this world: (l) e the ignorant - this is tyranny, (2) the ignorant leading the lude to revolution, (3 ) the wise leading the ignorant - this possibly a benevolent autocracy, and (It) the wise leading the The ignorant leading wise - this is pre is dictatorship or wise, giving liber- �P a g e 3, ty and equality of opportunity - this is the ideal of democracy. I t is an offense against God; i t is an offense against the dignity of each human soul to deny any'individual an opportunity for the most perfect development of his or her humanity, for the intelligent performance of the duties of citizen ship and the right to earn an honest living by professional services or skilled labor of some kind. The Supreme Court did not order immediate desegregation. I t said that local boards must proceed according to certain principles, which are in part: 1. 2. 3. II. Good faith A prompt and reasonable start Deliberate speed Equitable principles As of this date, I am not ready to announce the Board of Education's desegre gation program. 'But I am certain that i t will be in good faith, a prompt and reasonable start, and with deliberate speed. One writer asked, "W w ill happen i f parents or pupils strike?" So far as hat I am concerned, I shall attempt to the limit of m ability to have enforced the y laws of West Virginia. The public schools are an arm of the State. They are established in a demo cracy in order that the State may preserve, protect, and defend its own interests, " The law of West Virginia reads: "Any person who induces or attempts to in duce any child unlawfully to absent himself from school ....sh a ll be guilty of a misdeameanor; and upon conviction thereof, shall be fined not less than twentyfive nor more than fifty dollars and may be confined in ja il not less than ten nor more than thirty days," I t is a dangerous thing to suggest to either a student or a parent that they interfere with the orderly progress of a school. The question is no longer "shall we have or not have separate schools?" That has been settled by the Supreme Court in its opinion of M 17, 195k, and its ay final opinion or decree on M 31, 1955. The question is now: "Shall we obey or ay disregard the law of the land?" H can one intelligently teach children to obey ow the laws they like, and disobey the laws they do not like? The firs t duty of a citizen in a democracy is to be a good citizen and obey the lav: of the land. W cannot escape the fact that the principle of the equality has been more or e less grievously violated in America since the founding of the Republic. Broadly speaking, the earlier immigrants looked down upon the later immigrants; the English upon the Scottish and Irish; the West Europeans upon the East Europeans; the Europeans upon the Asiatics; the Protestants upon the Catholics; the Christians upon the Jews; 'and all upon the Negroes. Our history has been marked from earliest times by racial, national, and religious prejudices, hatred and bigotry. Doctrines of racial superiority, reminiscent of Hitler, have always had their advocates in America. Today, in spite of notable progress in recent years and'decades, various groups - particularly the Indian, the Jew, the Mexican, the Negro, and the Oriental - suffer from severe and persistent discrimination. Here, unquestionably is a vio lation of the principle of equality of opportunity which not only corrupts our de mocracy at home but also weakens our voice in the council of nations• This cancer which strikes at the very heart of our democracy seriously impairs our leadership for a free world. In a democracy such as ours there can be no backward people or second or third class citizens if we are to exist as a democratic nation. The problem now confron ting us in the matter of segregation presents a simple question of whether or not we really believe in a democracy with one of its major concepts - equality of opportunity - whether w believe i t should continue, and whether or not we can m e ake* i t work in a crisis. W here injustices are accepted by people over a long period of years the moral tone of the total population goes down. W must accept the m e a jor premise in our Declaration of Independence and the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States of equality of man for equal opportunities and human dignity of each individual's soul. The problem must be settled not only in the realm of the law but in the realm of the spiritual and the realm of Christian ethics. W must not become a party to the forces of evil and totalitarianism e striving to divide the free peoples of the world. I agree with Bishop G. Bromley Q xnam when he said, "Resistance to the Supreme Court decision on school integration does more to undermine democratic government than any traito r Communist can do. W can deal with a Communist as a tra ito r, but e i t poses something of a problem to know how to deal with a man who dares to carry the Stars and Stripes in a parade of persons who march to repudiate the law of the land and to reject the clear teaching of the Christian faith." Virgil. L, Flynn �* * * * * * * •* * '* * * .* » * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * "God give us men. The time'demands Strong minds, great hearts, true faith and willing hands; M w the lust of office does en hom not k ill; M w the spoils of office cannot en hom buy? M who possess opinions and a will; en M who have honor; men who trill en not lie ; M who can stand before demagogues en And damn his treacherous flatteries without winking; Tall men, sun-crowned, who live above the fog In public duty and in private thinkingj For while the rabble with their thumbworh creeds, Their large professions and their li tt l e deeds Mingle in selfish strife; loj Freedom WeepsS W rong rules the land, and waiting Justice sleepsli" AUTHOR — JosiahG. Holland * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Virginia State Conference-NAACP * * * * * * * � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Flyer: "Two Types Of Advice and A Firm, Intelligent, Christian, and Democratic Stand". Two newspaper editorials, an open letter from a public school superintendent and a poem, reproduced, September 1, 1955. 4 pages. Description An account of the resource Comments from Virginia and West Virginia newspapers and citizens about the Supreme Court Case banning segregation in schools. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAACP, Virginia State Conference Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1955-09-01 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_2_6 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/1d3d854a2bd9b52467aa521c31a06637.pdf 329bf977aa02594f41c34faba63ed050 PDF Text Text Joint Meeting of Department of Superintendents-VEA and School Boards Assn. Richmond, Virginia - October 26, 1955 SOME fURRENT EDUCATIONAL PROBLEMS AND WHAT WE MIGHT DO ABOUT THEM by Dowell J. Howard Superintendent of Public Instruction The program of public education in Virginia has developed as a result of the hopes and aspirations of parents for their children. It is a testi monial to the belief of our citizenry in general that an educational system must be provided for the people and the general welfare of the State and nation Among all services, education is unique in respect to its support. The sources vary from federal, state and local governments to tax-free foundations, private capital and individuals. Basically, the program of public education in Virginia is supported from state and local tax funds. The State in the exercise of its function delegates responsibility to the localities. Through legislation and through tradition public education in Virginia is,therefore, a joint responsibility of the State and local governments. In Virginia and in America we have been concerned in our development of public education with many conflicting philosophies. Thomas Jefferson, a Governor of Virginia, however, provided the stimulus for the gradual develop ment of our public free schools in Virginia. He stated, "When people are well informed they can be trusted with their own government," and "If a nation expects to be ignorant and free in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and never will be." This is the basic concept from which stems the fundamental policy of Virginia’s system of public free schools. This policy is largely defined in the statement issued by the ftate Board of Education in Becomber 1950, establishing certain fundamental principles that irust function in a sound system of public education in Virginia. �With reference to the execution of policies in the future development of public education we turn for direction to one of our great historical documents - The Virginia Declaration of Rights: "That all power is vested in, and consequently derived from the people; that magistrates are their trustees and servants, and at all times amenable to them." In the administration of Virginia9s system of public education the following concepts of government are embodied: The program of public education in Virginia belongs to the people; the needs of the localities determine the program of education designed to serve the best interests of the Commonwealth; the program is designed for - the brilliant, the average, the mentally retarded, the physically fit and the physically handicapped - all to the extent to which they are capable of receiving advantages. Those responsible for administration of Virginia. are responsible to the people The people have a right and a duty to expect and demand efficient administration. The Problem Some of the major problems facing public education at the present time may be briefly stated as follows: 1. Acceptance on the part of those in public education a. That a sound system of public relations is essential and advancement will be made only to the extent that the people understand and accept the purposes and plans. b. That confidence is developed in those charged with responsibility for administration when decisions are made in terms of what it is the people desire for present and future generations and the extent to which they are willing to invest their money. - 2 - �c. That many phases of Virginia's program of public education are second to none and there is a responsibility to keep these facts before the public as well as those pertaining to the weaknesses and increasing needs. d. That financial comparisons, while in certain instances valid, are not the sole criteria for a sound system of public education. e. That appreciation should be expressed for progress being made in financial support, and continued financial support should be expected on the basis of the extent to which the efficiency of the program justifies it. f. Maintenance of the highest possible ethical standards in elevating public education to the high level of dignity a sound program deserves. g. That the program is administered in a practical manner and interpreted in a common sense fashion to the people of Virginia. h. That constructive criticism is accepted as a challenge in the belief and recognition that there is nothing being done in public educa tion that cannot be done better. 2. Acceptance on the part of the people of Virginia the facts: a. That education is an investment in people. A study made by the U. S. Chamber of Commerce, entitled, "Education an Investment in People," has this to say: "People who have a good education produce more goods, earn more money, buy and consume more goods, read more magazines and newspapers, are more active in civic and national affairs, enjoy a higher standard of living and, in general, contribute more to the eoonomy than those who are not so well educated." One phase of this study has been applied to Virginia showing the median family income and median school years completed - 3 - �for all persons twenty-five years of age or older. The correla tion is .87 which is amazingly significant, ex. Hanover, income $2300 - years in school 8; 10.6; Henrico, income $3800 - years in school Arlington, income $5400 - years in school 12.6. That approximately 90$ of all individuals attending day school in Virginia are enrolled in the public schools. That during the past four years approximately 360,000 children have been born who when six years old will attend school. The number of children ages 7-19 inclusive in 1950 was 669,632; in 1955, the number is 776,652, an increase of 107,020, or 15.98 per cent. That the enrollment is increasing approximately 25,000 to 35,000 per year and that by 1962 we will have approximately 890,000 children enrolled in the public schools of Virginia. More pupils plus more teachers equal more money. That approximately 1500 additional teachers are needed eac;h year simply £0 teach additional pupils, to say nothing of replacements for those leaving the profession or those not qualified to teach, or those needed to eliminate double shift situations. That the increasing number of pupils not only require more teachers but also require more classrooms and other facilities. That it requires approximately 4i million dollars per year at present rate of growth simply to teach more children without any plans for improving the status of those now teaching. That the teachers of Virginia are entitled to compensation comparable to anyone else paid from public funds with like training, experience and efficiency. - 4 - �5 / i. That public eeucation administered jointly by the State and local authorities is perhaps the biggest business in Virginia — approxi mately $450,000,000 invested in capital outlay; $123,250,951.46 spent for operation in 1954-55; a building program the past four years of $260,000,000; the sum of $37,085,533.10 loaned through the Literary fund with $15,000,000 additional requested; over 11,580 active scholarship cases, each one requiring usual execution of notes; 52,200,000 meals served in school lunch rooms last year; 125,051,400 passengers transported by 3750 school buses traveling around the world 7v times every day. These are some of the problems facing education that present the greatest possible challenge to the people of Virginia„ I am confident that through the united efforts of all concerned, under your leadership, these problems can and will be met wherever they exist. Thoughts for Consideration 1. There is such a wide difference in the ability and effort of many locali ties that a sound system of equalization is extremely difficult. assesment ratio range is from 6.1 to 60.9. The May it not be well, for many localities to take a good look at their tax structure? Should localities be given an increased right to tax themselves? 2. The localities have approximately $450,000,000 invested in capital outlay while the schools operate only nine months of the year. give consideration to a fuller use of this investment? May we not well For example, do the schools and other agencies of the communities make efficient use of their energy and personnel in the conduct of recreation programs? When the schools close other agencies pick up where the school leaves off and with different personnel and many times different facilities provide recreation for the same children. What are the opportunities for increas ed efficiency? - 5 - �4. . 3. The impact of increased college enrollment is obvious. The time may. well have arrived when we should give serious consideration to adding two years to a number of our larger high schools and in cooperation with the colleges provide these increased educational opportunities near the homes of the boys and girls, relieving impact on college facilities and thereby decreasing costs. 4. How well have we developed a mutual understanding of the problems of public education with the appropriating bodies of the various counties and cities^ 5. Since January 1, 1950, we have expended approximately $260,000,000 in providing improved educational facilities for our children. session we still had Last school 56,250 elementary school children in classrooms hav ing 41 to 50 pupils per teacher; 8580 in rooms having 51 to 60 pupils . ■ per teacher, and 4340 in rooms having over 60 per teacher; 33,733 child ren were on double or two shifts. If we will in any sense cope with the increasing birth rate, we need, •' on the basis of facts you have given, to expend $ 250,000,000 more in the next six years. We now have on loan to you over $37,000,000 from the Literary fund and with your‘ requests for $ 15,000,0G0 more than is currently available. We have a severe teacher shortage and 3400 now teaching in elementary schools alone who are inadequately trained to do so. It is my honest conviction that a major step in the solution of the problems ahead is to exert every possible effort to meet the crisis presented by inadequate facilities and grave shortage of teachers. 6. The schools have a tremendous problem in meeting the challenge that is definitely theirs. The public must be informed of these responsibilities and acquainted with achievements. Our efforts must not be dissipated by - 6 - �7 infringement of others who may find the school a convenient avenue for the promotion of programs not a responsibility of the school. The people should well understand this problem. May we never become complacent over the fact that our problems are old problems, and may we always welcome constructive criticisms. It seems to me, however, that a few facts are very interesting as com- p ar i s o n s are made with the good old days and our present generation. Tests recently given in Cleveland, Lincoln, and Dearborn comparing reading skills with those who studied in those same cities 25 to 100 years ago, reveal that in every case modern pupils came out on top and many by a wide margin; a report compiled in 1949 by the American Educational Research Association based on 230,000 reading scores from 60 communities,* indicated our children are steadily becoming better readers. Recruits in World War I read on the average of 6th grade level while World War II draftees read at the 10th grade level. An illiterate in World War I was regarded as a person who could not read at all, while in World War II those persons were classified as illiterate who read below -the fourth grade level. In 1838 Horace Mann, Commissioner of Education in Massachusetts, wrote in his Annual Report, "More than eleven-twelfths of all children in the read ing classes in our schools do not understand the meaning of the words they read." In the early ?90’s a county superintendent in Connecticut tested his pupils and reported that more than 40$ were deficient in reading. In 1909 the President of the Chicago Board of Education stated, " It?s the com on complaint among business men that young people seeking employment m are not well grounded in the fundamentals." - 7- �There are many other evidences showing comparisons. The present day pupils when given the same tests given in other subjects fifty or a hundred years ago, have far surpassed their predecessors even in the matter of history in spite of the fact that they have lived through 50 or 100 years more history. I desire to make it crystal clear that it is our responsibility to make the concern of the people our concern and that there is nothing now being done in public education that cannot be done better. every day. cisms. This must be our concern We must welcome every opportunity to consider constructive criti It is my conviction that those sincerely concerned will discuss their problems with you and the teachers of their children and we accept the challenge to do a better job. I suggest that we constantly analyze the implications of certain criti cisms made of the schools. Does a sincere interest in the improvement of education prompt the statements or is an ulterior motive involved? Who makes the criticisms and are the persons really interested in cooperating in bring ing about a solution? What is the background and what facts are involved in the conclusions drawn? Is it not important that we give thought to changing righteous indigna tion about the weakness of schools into constructive action? achieved by people of serious mind joining with us schools of their own communities. It will be in calmly appraising the It will be done by those who can be patient and have respect for another’s point of view; those who have the ability and desire to face the facts and broaden their areas of agreement rather than a desire to capitalize on controversy; and draw conclusions those who are willing to weigh the facts only after the evidence on both sides is all at hand. The State Board of Education joins us in our concern about what our children are taught and how they are taught, as they declare in their Statement - 8 - �9, of Policy: "The primary requirement of all is that they acquire the funda mental skills - how to use the tools of learning; to read, write, and speak correctly the English language, and to use numbers accurately. The State Board of Education regards this as the beginning and the foundation of educa tion essential to further progress." The State Board further states, "Along with the classroom courses, the child must be taught by precept, example and experience the importance of moral standards and the meaning of good citizenship. Regardless of the extent to which other agencies meet their responsibilities for such training, schools in a democracy cannot escape this obligation. Public education has failed unless, in addition to mental development and knowledge of facts its pupils go out with a mold of character which will help them to meet their responsi bilities to their country and to their fellow man." I repeat - of course there are weaknesses in our public schools system. There always has been and always will be. Mo one of us has the final answer and constructive criticism where specific and supported by facts should always be welcome. The problems faced today are the greatest of our generation. Their solution rests largely in the leadership in the local communities of our State. You are the ones to whom the parents of our 725,000 children look. I know you will meet the challenge. The battle today is for the minds and hearts of men. Our future rests with intellectual competency and superiority if we are to preserve the ideals of a great nation. I conclude with this thought - During the war, Prime Minister Churchill was concerned that coal was not coming from the mines as he thought it should. He desired to speak to the union leaders from the pits of England at one place. .-9 - �He told them how many tanks England had; he told them how many guns they had and he said, "I heard he was coming with a million men," He referred to Hitler. "The British Mavy will put 500,000 men to the bottom of the Channel, but ,what will we do when 500,000 of them are ashore?" He described England and what she faced as he said, "When it is over we will parade these streets again.• I will be standing there as you march by and I will call out, "Where were you? ” and I will hear somebody say, " I marched with the 8th Army," and somebody else will say, "I was in the skies over Britain, "and someone else will answer, "I was in the Merchant Marine." Then I will see the coal miners of Britain marching by and I will call out,'Where were you?'and I will hear you answer, "We were down in the black pit, right up against the face of the coals " And 3000 miners rose to their feet cheering and the coal came out. May it not be our challenge that education in Virginia and America get "right up against the face of the coal." For every challenge we have there must be courage and forthrightness sufficient in every community to make it very clear that we intend that the free mind can find the truth because we know that only under the conditions of freedom can man preserve the ideals of a great nation, conceived by men whose foresight was their fortune and whose vision was that man shall be free. It is my challenge to you that as you face the problems in your communities in the months ahead, you do so inspired by Virginia’s great leaders and with the knowledge that Virginians throughout their history have never failed whatever the crisis has been but in the end have been triumphant on the side of what has been in the best interests of a great state and a great nation. It is in this higher sense that I salute you in your great and challenging role of stewardship. - 10 - � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Paper presented at the "Joint Meeting of Department of Superintendents-VEA and School Boards Assn.", Richmond, Virginia, October 26, 1955. 'Some Current Educational Problems and What We Might Do About Them' by Dowell J. Howard, Superintendent of Instruction, 10 pages. Description An account of the resource Comprehensive paper describing basics of public education in Virginia and problems confronting public education: people must understand and accept purpose and plans, have confidence in administrators, importance of financial support, etc. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dowell J. Howard Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1955-10-26 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_2_1 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/76abb5ff27d2b53afeb266f257a8dd0d.pdf 3f2d35918dbd9a1e3c0f7399b5b96cd9 PDF Text Text 'Pleased to m eet you ,” Glory May said, Doug didn’t say a word. He ju st looked. The man was distin ctly off the ground. �25 The author, a Virginia housewife, used to fear that mingling races in the schools would only lead to trouble. She re veals why she lost her prejudice, why she now believes that Southerners Will Like Integration By SA R A H PATTO N BOYLE ABOUT THE AUTHOR "By the way,” says Mrs. Sarah Patton Boyle, whose thoughtful article on in tegration begins on this page, "I am con tinually irked by inquiries as to whether I am really a Southerner. To which I am happy to reply th at one o f m y grand fathers was General Lee’s personal scout and the other was a colonel in Stonewall Jackson’s com m and. Moreover, I was not educated in the North, never worked in the North and have crossed the Mason and Dixon’s line only four tim es in fortyeight years—th at is, four tim es over and four tim es quickly hack. I was reared on all the Southern notions and participated in all the practices.” AM a faculty wife at the University of Virginia, and I think a pretty typical Southerner. I was here in Charlottesville when our first Negro student was admitted to the university by or der of the Supreme Court, and it is possible that what I discovered about my own attitudes and those of other members of my community will throw some light on the present school confusion. In the summer of 1950, Gregory Swanson, a twenty-six-year-old Negro lawyer from Danville, Virginia, applied for admission to our school of law. H e was refused. He was not the first Negro to apply, but hereto fore the university, like other state-supported Southern institutions, had met the dilemma of the state segregation law versus justice to Negro tax payers by the simple device of giving colored appli cants scholarships to Northern schools of their choosing. They had seemingly been satisfied with this arrangement —until the advent of Mr. Swan son. When news of his suit hit the headlines I felt a curious mixture of joy and fear. It seemed right that he should come here—a rightness long overdue. B ut I was afraid others would not receive him well. There's going to be a lot of trouble, I thought. Later I learned that my reactions were character istically Southern. The Southwide conviction that everybody else is prejudiced is like a sodden blanket over each individual’s impulses toward democracy. Certainly no reassurance came from the Southern press. Newspaper comment on the "impending situation at the university” gave no hint that Swanson’s admission might be welcome to any of us or that any Virginians except Negroes might re joice in the justice of his winning his suit. Unchal lenged by public statement, written or spoken, there rose before the mind’s eye a picture of a lone Amer ican citizen struggling for inalienable rights against unanimous opposition from the institution which Thomas Jefferson founded. I felt a twisting pain and a rising pressure to do something about it. But what? There seemed nothing I could do. "How do you feel about having a Negro here?” I inquired privately of a series of friends. The an swers ran like this: "I think it’s about tim e at Mr. Jefferson’s uni versity!” "I hope he wins, but I reckon most of us will feel pretty bad.” "Well, personally I think that segregated educa tion is a handicap to both races, but I’d probably be run out of town if I went around saying that.” Intrigued, I began to canvass for private opinions in real earnest. M y findings? That roughly 90 per cent of the women in the university community fa vored admission of Negroes to our graduate schools, but each firmly believed that she was a lonely dem ocratic star surrounded by a black void of prejudice. I now applied for enlightenment to our sociology department. Prof. Lambert Molyneaux pointed to a Southwide poll of university faculty members taken in 1948 by the Southern Conference Educa tional Fund, Inc. It inquired whether or not the professors favored integration in Southern graduate schools; 69 per cent of the returned ballots, even including those from Mississippi, Georgia and South Carolina, declared them selves in favor of it. The University of Virginia, while showing itself to be more conservative than some of the Southern schools, still had voted 79 per cent in favor of in tegration. Mr. Molyneaux also informed me th at only a few weeks before Swanson opened suit, a sociology stu dent, C. Lee Parker, (Continued on Page 133) 1 QLUE ATKINS At tlie University o f Virginia: The author—a faculty w ife—with medical stu d en ts Edward Nash and Edward Wood. In 1952, only 3 per cent o f the Virginia faculty m em bers polled objected to integration. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Southerners Will Like Integration, Sarah Patton Boyle Description An account of the resource Article written by a faculty wife at the University of Virginia, describing the phenomenon that she and other Southerners supported integration but thought they were alone in their beliefs, and that integration can and should happen. Article is cut off. 2 pages, scanned in reverse order, first page appears to be an advertisement Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Sarah Patton Boyle, Unknown Publication No date Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_51 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/fb6799d6ffe1bd2d41690c9dbd98be6b.pdf 4ab4d4d447b5189232fab4bc8c199413 PDF Text Text (Reprinted from N a t io n a l E l e m e n t a r y P r in c ip a l , Vol. XXXIII, No. 5 , April 1954) HANDBOOKS A rlin gton County • Virginia T h e m ost im p o rta n t tre n d in p u b lic education d u rin g the past 25 years has been the increasing e ffo r t on the p a rt o f educators to in v o lv e parents and o th e r citizens in the plan n in g o f the in s tru c tiona l program . Because there has been a greater emphasis u p o n a close relatio nship between the school and the hom e, there has been an in creasing re c o g n itio n th a t parents have a m a jo r share in the education o f th e ir c h ild re n , no m a tte r h o w fine the program o f the school m ay be. T o achieve co ope ratio n between the school and the hom e in the education o f th e c h ild , each m ust have in fo r m atio n abo ut the purposes and plans o f th e other. Schools have in cre a sin g ly sought in fo rm a tio n abo ut c h ild re n w h ic h o n ly the hom e m ay p ro vid e ; m ore re c e n tly , parents have requested and have obtained greater in fo rm a tio n abo ut the p ro gram o f the school so th a t th e y m a y p articip ate m ore e ffe c tiv e ly in achievin g the goals th e y bo th desire. D u rin g the past fe w years m any school systems have given atte n tio n to the developm ent o f par en t handbooks re g a rd in g the school in s tru c tio n a l program . These handbooks have sought to in fo rm parents re gardin g the school program . In the A r lin g to n p u b lic schools seven parent handbooks have been developed and m ore are un d e r w a y. F o u r o f the parent handbooks prepared d u rin g the last fe w years in A r lin g to n have attem pted to describe the school p ro g ra m at all o f its various levels. “ W e G o to School in the P rim a ry D e p a rt m e n t” describes grades one th ru three, and sugV O L . X X X III NO. 5 A P R IL 1954 gests w ays in w h ic h parents m ay prepare th e ir c h ild re n to s ta rt to school f o r the firs t tim e. A ty p ic a l p rim a ry pro g ra m is described and p ro g ress d u rin g the firs t y ear o f school is discussed. “ W e G o to School in the In te rm e d ia te D e p a rt m e n t” covers such topics as the g ro w th and de v e lo p m e n t o f c h ild re n at ages 9 , 10 , and 11 , w h a t parents can do to assist c h ild re n o f this age, and the in s tru c tio n a l program s o f grades 4 , 5 , and 6 . T h e b o o k le t describes a u n it o f w o rk , the g ro u p in g o f ch ild re n , a ty p ic a l d a y at school, and a fie ld trip . In fo rm a tio n is g iven re gardin g the w o r k done in these grades in language arts, social studies, a rith m e tic , science, m usic, art, physical education, and fa m ily life education. T h e c o n tri butio ns o f supervisors, h e lp in g teachers, psycho lo g ic a l services, and v is itin g teachers are described. T h e testing pro g ra m as w e ll as the lib r a ry in the elem e nta ry school is discussed. Such adm in istra tiv e policies as re p o rtin g to parents, p ro m o tio n policies, h o m e w o rk , transfers, and outside tu to r in g are described. S im ila r handbooks have been developed fo r the ju n io r and senior h ig h school program s and have the title s “ O n to J u n io r H ig h ” and “ T h e A r lin g to n C o u n ty Senior H ig h Schools.” “ O n to J u n io r H ig h ” outlines the ju n io r high school in s tru c tio n a l p ro g ra m fo r grades 7 , 8 , and 9 , describes the electives available in each grade, discusses textbo oks and o th e r m aterials w h ic h arc used, and in vites parents to partic ip a te in school a c tiv ties. “ T h e A rlin g to n C o u n ty Senior H ig h Schools” is addressed to bo th parents and senior high school students. I t assists parents and students in und erstanding the purposes o f the senior h ig h schools and the various program s offered. M u c h a tte n tio n is given to the selection o f a course o f s tu d y and m a n y sample program s are given. R e quirem ents f o r gradua tion, courses offe re d in the senior high schools, p ro m o tio n policies, and e x tra c u rric u la r activities are am ong the o th e r topics covered. T h re e o f the seven parent handbooks o f the A r lin g to n C o u n ty P u b lic Schools have soug ht to 19 �in fo rm parents abo ut specific in s tru c tio n a l areas o r methods. T h e firs t o f these thre e is the “ Par ents’ G u id e to Successful C onferences.” I t was developed to assist parents in p reparin g them selves f o r parent-teacher conferences as a means o f re p o rtin g . Such conferences are held in all A r lin g to n elem e nta ry schools tw ic e each year. A r lin g to n parents and teachers feel th a t a parentteacher conference should be a tw o - w a y m atter w ith the p arent and the teacher each c o n trib u t in g in fo rm a tio n w h ic h is h e lp fu l to the other. W h e n conferences as a means o f re p o rtin g w ere in itia te d in A r lin g to n several years ago, the teach in g staff studied the technics o f co n fe re n cin g and the kin ds o f in fo rm a tio n w h ic h should be given to parents in a conference. As conferences w ere held, there was an increasing feeling th a t c o n fe re n c in g m ust be a tw o - w a y co m m u n ic a tio n and th a t parents also needed preparation f o r the conferences. Plans f o r a parents’ guide to c o n fe rances w e re in itia te d in a parent com m ittee. T h e b o o k le t w h ic h was prepared includes in fo rm a tio n re gardin g m ethods o f re p o rtin g , the purposes o f conferences, w h a t parents and teachers each need to b rin g to a conference, w h a t is talked abo ut in a conference, and the attitudes to w a rd c o n fe r ences w h ic h have been expressed b y 6,000 parents in A r lin g to n . “ U n c o v e rin g H id d e n N u m b e rs ” is a parent handbook w h ic h was developed at the tim e th a t an a rith m e tic in s tru c tio n a l guide was being pre pared f o r A r lin g to n teachers. T h is parent hand b o o k suggests w ays in w h ic h parents can capita l ize on the m any n u m b e r experiences w h ic h c h il dren have outside the school in the hom e and c o m m u n ity . Parents w e re m embers o f the com m ittee w h ic h in itia te d plans fo r the teachers’ a rith m e tic in s tru c tio n a l guide. A s th e y shared in th is planning, the idea f o r a parents’ guide in this fie ld developed. Several hun dre d situations in the hom e in v o lv in g num ber experiences are discussed. T h e last page o f the b o o k le t in fo rm s parents as to w h en various skills in a rith m e tic are ta u g h t in the elem entary schools o f A rlin g to n . “ W h a t A b o u t Reading?” is, at present, a leaf let w h ic h describes fo r parents the reading in s tru ctio n a l p ro g ra m in the A r lin g to n C o u n ty P ub lic Schools. T w o o th e r b r ie f bulletin s on reading readiness have been prepared f o r parents. T h e reading readiness bulletin s suggest th a t parents m ay help b y g u a rd in g the c h ild ’s health, g u id in g the c h ild to live h a p p ily w ith others, d o in g things w ith the c h ild to develop an u nd erstanding f o r reading, g u id in g the c h ild to w o r k h a p p ily , and help in g the c h ild to become independent. W a y s in w h ic h the parent can help th e c h ild to develop visual d is c rim in a tio n , visual m e m o ry , a u d ito ry d is crim in a tio n , a u d ito ry m e m o ry , b a c k g ro u n d o f experience, m o to r c o -o rd in a tio n , and a sense o f re s p o n s ib ility are discussed as a p a rt o f the read in g readiness p rogram . These m aterials w ill, in the fu tu re , be com bin ed and expanded to in clude suggestions to parents re g a rd in g th e m anner in w h ic h th e y can assist th e ir c h ild re n in le arn ing to read in w a ys th a t w i ll im p le m e n t and supple m ent the w o r k o f the school. A ll o f these handbooks have been developed b y com m ittees w h ic h have in c lu d e d parents and teachers; at tim es the parents have o u tnum bered the teachers in the com m ittees. T h e suggestions f o r the handbooks have g r o w n o u t o f the w o rk and p la n n in g o f the C o m m u n ity C o u n c il on I n s tru c tio n , an org a n iz a tio n o f 150 citizens o f A r lin g to n w h o represent the 4 7 P a ren t-T eache r Associations, the C ham ber o f C o m m erce, the A m e ric a n L eg ion, the D aughters o f th e A m e ric a n R e v o lu tio n , and o th e r c iv ic organizations w h ic h have show n in terest in the p ro g ra m o f th e schools. T h e C o m m u n ity C o u n c il on In s tr u c tio n is n o w in its fo u r th y e a r and has served d u r in g th a t pe rio d to define the problem s c o n c e rn in g the in s tru c tio n a l pro g ra m on w h ic h th e c o m m u n ity and the teaching staff co u ld w o r k to g e th e r. In c lu d in g parents in the com m ittees w h ic h p la n and develop the pub lica tio n s provid es assurance th a t th e ques tions a c tu a lly in the m in d o f parents w i l l be c o v ered in the pub lica tions. T h e C o m m u n ity C o u n c il on In s tru c tio n plays an im p o rta n t p a rt in in fo rm in g parents a b o u t th e parent handbooks. T h e in itia l d is trib u tio n o f each handbook is made th ru the C o m m u n ity C o u n c il. Since each school is represented in this c o u n c il b y its P T A c u rric u lu m chairm an, im m edia te ac cess to parent in terest is gained t h r u th e P T A in each school. T h e c u rric u lu m c h a irm a n o fte n in troduce s a n e w han d b o o k b y d e v o tin g a P T A m eeting to its discussion. A s u p p ly o f each hand book is available in each school, and persons new to the c o m m u n ity are p ro v id e d copies o f the apTHE N A T IO N A L E L E M E N T A R Y PRINCIPAL �p ro p ria te b o o k le t w h e n th e ir c h ild re n are enrolled in the schools. Parents o f th ird -g ra d e c h ild re n re ceive the handbook f o r in term edia te grades in the s p rin g o f the ye a r p r io r to the fa ll in w h ic h th e ir c h ild re n w i l l be enrolled in the fo u rth grade. S im ila r d is trib u tio n o f the ju n io r high school h an dbook is made in the sixth grade and th e senior h ig h school h a n dbook is d is trib u te d in the n in th grade. T h e seven parent handbooks described thus fa r explain the system -w ide in s tru c tio n a l p ro gram and schoo l policies in A r lin g to n ’s f o r t y seven e lem e nta ry, ju n io r, and senior high schools. T h e y are h e lp fu l to the school p rin c ip a l in b rin g in g abo ut und erstanding o f general policies and practices. T h e re are also num erous explana tions o f p ra c tic e w h ic h are needed b u t are re lated to one school o n ly . M a n y A r lin g to n p rin c i pals have w o rk e d w ith parents and s ta ff m em bers in th e ir schools to deve lop local parent hand books w h ic h supp lem ent the seven system -w ide handbooks w h ic h have been described. These local school handbooks co ve r such topics as con ferences w ith the p rin c ip a l, parent v is ita tio n at school, in fo rm a tio n re g a rd in g P T A organization, VOL. X X X III NO. 5 A P R IL I954 in fo rm a tio n re gardin g the school staff, P T A c o m m ittee plans, policies re gardin g class g ro u p in g , and in fo rm a tio n re g a rd in g student gove rnm ent. A ll o f these topics have local app lica tions w h ic h cann ot be described adequately f o r a p a rtic u la r school in a system -w ide parent handbook. School, hom e and c o m m u n ity experiences are all p a rt o f the edu cation o f the c h ild . T h e school m ust take ac c o u n t o f previous and present c o n d i tions and relationships o f the c h ild in the c o m m u n ity . Parents need to take accou nt o f the ex periences w h ic h the school contributes. P arent handbooks have an im p o rta n t p a rt to p la y in b rin g in g the hom e and school together. In A r lin g to n C o u n ty , the handbooks have in fo rm e d par ents about the school program in w ays w h ic h help them to raise questions and to p articip ate in greater measure in the \V ork o f the school. T h e ir share in p lanning the handbooks has helped parents to feel th a t th e y a c tu a lly p a rtic ip a te in the school program . C. G l f .n H a s s Associate S u perintendent in Charge o f In s tru c tio n , A r lin g to n C o u n ty P u b lic Schools, A r lin g to n � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Handbooks for Parents, Arlington County, Virginia, Reprinted from National Elementary Principal, Volume 33, Number 5, April 1954 Description An account of the resource Article written by C. Glen Hass, Associate Superintendent in Charge of Instruction, Arlington County Public Schools. Describes 7 parent handbooks that explain the instructional program and school policies in Arlington's schools. 3 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource National Elementary Principal 1954-04 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_50 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/cb90c4f5627588142ab9493b1a96ff6c.pdf 0e449dd122e195e3dae2076bc6a63de5 PDF Text Text �THIS WE BELIEVE ABOUT This Statement is not presented as a n official policy position of EDUCATION a n y educational, business, or industrial association. It is published by the National Association of Manufacturers, as a public service, in the interest of greater education-industry cooperation. A Statem ent Concerning Education in America By the Educational Advisory Committee and the Educational Advisory Council of the NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MANUFACTURERS N E W YORK, N, Y. Second printing— March 1954 �1953 N A M E d u c a t i o n a l A d v i s o r y C o u n c i l c h a ir m a n CONTENTS About This S ta te m e n t................................................................................ 6 : RUSSELL D . COLE, Cornell College M t. Vernon, Iowa H . F. A l v e s , D i r e c t o r Cooperative Program for School Administration University of Texas Austin, Texas D a r e l M c Fe r r e n , H e a d History D epartm ent Hastings College Hastings, N ebraska R o b e r t W . A s h e , P r in c ip a l Glendale U nion H igh School Glendale, Arizona Denver, Colorado I Introduction......................................................................................... 7 M r s . A n n e t t e M . Br a s e l Jackson C ounty Schools Braselton, Georgia II The Purposes of Education in A m e r ic a .............................................9 Ke n The Support of E d u c a tio n ................................................................11 IV The Responsibilities of E ducators......................................................14 VI The Ultimate Responsibilityfor E ducation........................................ 24 VII Summary: This We Believe AboutE d u c a tio n ...............................28 t o n , V is itin g T c a c h e r d D. Cr hol t zer M iss M a r y C. O ’C o n n o r , H istory D epartm ent G irls Latin School Boston, Mass. H ead Re v . T i m o t hy F. O ’L e a r y S u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f S c h o o ls Archdiocese of Boston Boston, M assachusetts ul l W . W . Pa r k e r , P r e s id e n t Southeast M issouri State College Cape Girardeau, M issouri S u p e r in te n d e n t o f S c h o o ls P ort H uron, M ichigan J a m e s H . D u c k r e y , P r e s id e n t State Teachers College Cheyney, Pennsylvania T h o m a s F. R e a r d o n , P r in c ip a l H art School Stamford, Connecticut H e n r y T . H e a l d , C h a n c e llo r N ew Y ork University N ew York, N ew York Dea n M . Sc h w e ic k h a r d S t a t e C o m m i s s i o n e r o f E d u c a tio n H e n r y E. H e i n , C h a ir m a n Committee on Inter-American Cooperation Board of Education N ew York, N ew York A. D. H o l E. O b e r R e v . E. J . O ’D o n n e l l , S.J., P r e s i d e n t M arquette University M ilwaukee, W isconsin E u g e n e B. C h a f f e e , P r e s i d e n t Boise Ju n io r College Boise, Idaho Ho w a r V The Responsibilities of Industry to E d ucation .................................. 18 net h S u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f S c h o o ls T h o m a s H . Ca r r o l l , D e a n School of Business A dm inistration University of N orth Carolina Chapel H ill, N o rth Carolina III P r e s id e n t t V ic e P r e s id e n t St. Paul, M innesota Jo h n J . Se id e l A s s is ta n t S ta te S u p e r in te n d e n t fo r V o c a tio n a l E d u c a tio n State D epartm ent of Education Baltimore, M aryland W il l ia m S. V i n c e n t , E x e c u t i v e Citizenship Education Project Teachers College Colum bia University N ew York, N ew York T he U niversity of Tennessee Knoxville, Tennessee V i n c e n t W . La n f e a r , D e a n School o f Business Administration University of Pittsburgh Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania Ra y m o n d W a l t e r s , P r e s id e n t University of Cincinnati Cincinnati, Ohio E d w i n A. L e e , D e a n School of Education University of California at Los Angeles Los Angeles, California L y n n T . W h i t e , J r ., M ills College O akland, California [3] P r e s id e n t O ffic e r �1953 N A M E d c h a ir m a n : v ic e c h a i r m a n u c a t io n a l Adv is o r y Co ROBERT H . W . W EL C H , JR., Jam es O. W elch Company Cambridge, Mass. : m m it t e e V i c e P r e s id e n t H a r o l d F. Sil v e r , P r e s id e n t Silver Engineering W orks, Inc. Denver, Colorado N IC L ia T h o m a s J. Ba n n a n , P r e s id e n t W estern Gear W orks Seattle, W ashington J. W a r r e n K i n s m a n , V i c e P r e s i d e n t E. I. duPont de Nem ours & Company, Incorporated W ilm ington, Delaw are N o r m a n D. B l a c k , J r ., P r e s id e n t "T he Fargo Forum ” Forum Publishing Company Fargo, N o rth Dakota E. J o Am erican Silk Spinning Company Providence, Rhode Island J o h n T . Br o w n , P r e s i d e n t J . I. Case Company Racine, W isconsin T. M . M a r t in , P r e s id e n t Lion Oil Company Eldorado, Arkansas B. C. C o l c o r d , P r e s id e n t W oodw ard Iron Company Birm ingham , Alabama (D eceased, A ugust 17, 1953) F r e d M a y t a g , II, P r e s i d e n t The M aytag Company Newton, Iowa s Representing M anufacturing Trade Associations Group E. A. W a t k i n s , P r e s id e n t W atkins, Inc. W ichita, Kansas C h e s t e r C. K e l s e y , M a n a g e r Asbestos-Cement Products Association N ew York, N ew York C h a r l t o n H . Ly o n s , P a r tn e r Lyons, McCord & Logan Shreveport, Louisiana J a m e s L. C a m p , J r ., P r e s id e n t Cam p M anufacturing Company Franklin, V irginia A d v is e r C. W . A n d e r s o n , E x e c u t i v e V i c e P r e s i d e n t Associated Industries o f the Q uad Cities Rock Island, Illinois R ic h a r d H . T u r k , P r e s id e n t Pemco Corporation Baltimore, Maryland R. E. SALVATI, P r e s i d e n t Island Creek Coal Company H untington, W . Va. is o n Representing Industrial Relations Group hn Lo w n e s , J r ., P r e s i d e n t and G eneral M anager H a r o l d C. M c C l e l l a n , P r e s i d e n t O ld Colony Paint & Chemical Co. Los Angeles, California D a r r a h Co r b e t , P r e s i d e n t Smith Cannery Machines Company Seattle, W ashington J o h n H. M u r r i a n , P r e s i d e n t W . J. Savage Company Knoxville, Tennessee G e o r g e L. D r a f f a n , P r e s id e n t T he O hio Brass Company Mansfield, Ohio M a l c o l m P. F e r g u s o n , P r e s i d e n t Bendix Aviation Corporation D etroit, M ichigan A. C. C o nde, E x e c u t i v e V i c e P r e s i d e n t Indiana M anufacturers Association Indianapolis, Indiana M e m b e r s o f S p e c ia l E d u c a t io n S u b c o m m itte e c h a ir m a n : ROBERT H . W . W EL C H , JR. Educators Industrialists R u s s e l l D . Co l e A. D. H o l t E d w in A. L e e K e n n e t h E. O b e r h o l t T h o m a s F. R e a r d o n D e a n M. Sc h w e ic k h a r J o h n T. Br o w n B. C. C o l c o r d C. E. H a m i l t o n * H. C. M c C l e l l a n Ri c h a r d H . T u r k zer d ♦(P resident, Autom otive Gear W orks, Inc., Richmond, Indiana, and M em ber 1952 N A M Educational Advisory Comm ittee) Ra l p h A. P o w e r s , P r e s id e n t Robertson Paper Box Company Inc. M ontville, Connecticut W a l t e r D. F u l l e r , C h a ir m a n o j T he Curtis Publishing Company Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Representing State Associations Group G e o r g e L. W e is s e n b u r g e r , P r e s id e n t Keokuk Electro-M etals Company Keokuk, Iowa O s c a r C. P a l m e r , P r e s id e n t Palmer Industries Phoenix, Arizona R. G. Fo l l is , C h a ir m a n o j B o a r d Standard O il Company of California San Francisco, C alifornia W a r r e n W e b s t e r , J r ., P r e s id e n t W arren W ebster Company Camden, N ew Jersey R ic h a r d S. R h e e m , P r e s id e n t Rheem M anufacturing Company South Gate, California B o a rd J. K. Sh i n n , P r e s id e n t SEC M anufacturing Company Miami, Florida E. P. H a m i l t o n , P r e s i d e n t H am ilton M anufacturing Company T w o Rivers, W isconsin M [5] �ABOUT THIS STATEMENT T THIS W E BELIEVE ABOUT EDUCATION i he Special Education Subcommittee of the Educational Advisory Committee and the Educational Advisory Council of the National Asso ciation of Manufacturers was appointed for one purpose—to focus attention on areas of agreement between educators and industrialists which would serve as a basis for better understanding and more effective cooperation between these two groups. This Statement contains a brief outline of the premises and the reasoning that led to specific areas of agreement, and a final recapitulation of the Subcommittee’s conclusions. The Educational Advisory Committee and the Educational Advisory Council of the NAM, in a joint meeting on October 27, 1953, approved the Statement of the Special Education Subcommittee which is presented here. It is hoped that this effort will be received by both industrialists and educators in the spirit of tolerant good will in which it was conceived and in which it was conscientiously prepared. If the Statement makes a contribution to further discussions which will result in better understanding and closer relationships between Education and Industry, it will have served its major purpose. Personally, and on behalf of the Special Education Subcommittee, I take this opportunity to express our appreciation to Dr. F. Kenneth Brasted, Direc tor, NAM Education Department, and to George H. Fern, Associate Director, for their capable and untiring staff assistance rendered us throughout the nearly two years of our meetings and deliberations. And I welcome this same opportunity to write one sentence to, and about, my fellow-members of the Subcommittee, both educators and industrialists. Their unwavering respect for intellectual integrity, in others and in themselves, and their interest, co operation, and painstaking labors in hammering out together this consensus, made our association a rewarding and encouraging experience. We can take much pride in the revealing and important fact that we began the job as acquaintances and finished it as warm personal friends. Robert H. W. Welch, J . r Chairman [6] IN T R O D U C T IO N T he National Association of Manufacturers, throughout its history, has consistently supported Education in America. Strong statements have been issued periodically, setting forth the beliefs and positions of Industry. Yet the mutual confidence which so obviously should exist between Industry and Education has suffered many shocks over the years. At a meeting of the NAM Educational Advisory Committee held in January, 1952, several leading educators were invited guests. They, too, it developed, were concerned over an apparent deterioration in relationships. Some of the causes seemed inadvertent and isolated, but there were also evi dences of deliberate intent. It was recognized that a great majority of American businessmen and American educators have little or no criticism to make of each other, but over the past several years attacks by some businessmen on the philosophy or prac tices of some educators have been widely publicized. Similarly, there has been articulate criticism of business and industry by some educators. Resentment has resulted on both sides. Anxiety was expressed at the January meeting lest the friction and mis understanding increase. It was suggested that a Subcommittee could well be established to study the situation and to propose constructive counteraction. Thus the Special Education Subcommittee was conceived and appointed. It comprised six industrialists from the NAM Educational Advisory Committee and six educators from the NAM Educational Advisory Council. At the outset, the Subcommittee agreed that misunderstanding and sus picion between Education and Industry should be reduced to a minimum and eliminated if possible, and that there should be established widespread and general understanding, confidence, and cooperation between these two vital groups in America. Scrutiny of misunderstandings led the Subcommittee far afield. Among causes for disagreement they found such factors as the proper boundaries of academic freedom, objective teaching versus subjective indoctrination, respon sibility for teachers’ actions and activities, and the distinction between justifi[7] �able, constructive criticism and malicious attacks. Ultimately the Subcommittee found itself considering the place of Education in American life—its purposes and practices, its direction and support, and the real measure of Education’s contribution to the happiness and welfare of the American people. As the Subcommittee went beyond the limits at first contemplated for the study, two questions arose. The first was why representatives of these two seg ments of American society should be combining to make a joint appraisal of one of them. In other words, if Industry and Education were to study Educa tion, why should they not also take a look at Industry ? It was agreed that there was no reason why they should not, but such a study was not this Subcommit tee’s assignment. The second question was whether the Subcommittee was duplicating the work of other organized groups, such as the Commission on Financing Higher Education, and the Educational Policies Commission of the National Education Association. Such was not the intent, but it did seem that a brief survey of certain fundamentals regarding Education was necessary to provide background and a clearly understood basis for the study. Short summarizations of the most significant assumptions regarding fun damental aspects of Education are included in this Statement in order to show the lines of thought that led to the final conclusions. The Subcommittee has endeavored to be fair and tolerant of conflicting opinions. It sought to establish principles, or areas of agreement, broad enough to be accepted by men of good will. It endeavored to clarify causes or areas of disagreement. It tried to be practical, and to present a Statement that will be a useful guide in determining future attitudes of individuals and organiza tions, in both Industry and Education. The conclusions reached are presented in a series of connected and con trasting paragraphs in the final section of this Statement. Generally speaking, the first paragraph under each point expresses the more liberal viewpoint. The second paragraph records the more conservative opinion. It should be em phasized that educators are not speaking in one paragraph and industrialists in the other. The division of opinion was w ith in these groups and not b etw een them. The pattern for the final presentation was adopted because it seemed the simplest way of presenting the areas of agreement in each particular discussion. These paragraphs, summarizing THIS WE BELIEVE ABOUT EDUCA TION, have been numbered and will be found beginning on page 28. [8] II THE PURPOSES OF EDUCATION IN AMERICA I N t h e Ruins o f U r a room has been unearthed that was a school 4,500 years ago. Clay tablets of instruction used there still exist. Schools and educa tion have been a part of every known civilization. Education today is an accu mulation, rather than a neat integration, of all the things education has been in the past. The specific purposes for which the first schools were established are not known. By the time the prehistoric mist began to lift, education for religious ends and education for secular ends both were established. The first of these has continued, usually with clear-cut purposes (such as the training of new members of a clergy), down through the ages. But secular education from the beginning, whether imparted by laymen or by members of a priesthood, has always had purposes more varied and less clearly defined. It is recognized that two historic streams of culture and religion have largely produced modern Western civilization: the ancient Greek tradition and the Hebrew-Christian tradition. These two great currents continue to influence profoundly the stream of life and education in the United States of our own day. Along with these there have developed scientific research and teaching, and, utilizing both, modern technology which is producing the wonders of mass production in manufacture, agriculture and commerce. Modern western civilization, expanding its outlook and interests under the stimulus of intellectual, political, social, and industrial advances, has adopted many varied concepts of the purposes of education. The divisions and subdivisions of the disciplines that are classified as education have been multi plied until an almost infinite variety of purposes is the result. Today there are insistent demands that major emphasis be placed on academic education, or vocational education, or physical training, or relig ious education, or training for citizenship, to name a few of the goals and objectives. Within each of these categories there are equally insistent demands that preference in time and attention be given to one division or another: as, for instance, the preference for liberal arts versus the useful sciences in aca demic education. Vocational education includes training for agriculture, in dustry, business, and homemaking, with special programs for the continuing education of out-of-school youth and adults. Each group of educators and learners has its own understanding of the major purposes of education. With many divergent opinions, it is inevitable that there should be con[9] �llicts, collisions of forces, and criticisms of educational leadership. It probably would be impossible to resolve all conflicts by one general statement of prin ciple which would be acceptable to all the conscientious partisans involved. It would seem wiser if all persons concerned with education would recognize the advantages of a heterogeneity of ideas as to the purposes of education. Tolerant thinkers can find areas of agreement, and the tendency of any one school of thought to exclude or to disparage all theories but its own should be restricted. With few exceptions, all of the major goals and objectives of Amer ican education have been endorsed by a sufficient percentage of the American people to assure those goals a justified place in the over-all design. The neces sity for less conflict and greater understanding and cooperation between pro ponents of different purposes of education currently sustained in the American school system seems apparent. Probably there never has been throughout all history any complete agree ment as to what the goals of education should be. Aristotle wrote of "doubts concerning the business of it," saying, "all people do not agree in those things they would have a child taught, both with respect to improvement in virtue and a happy life; nor is it clear whether the object of it should be to improve the reason or rectify the morals. From the present mode of education we can not determine with certainty to which men incline, whether to instruct a child in what will be useful to him in life, or what tends to virtue, or what is excel lent; for all these things have their separate defenders.” So be it, today. [10 ] III THE SUPPORT OF EDUCATION provided for the benefit of all of the people and the general well-being of the nation. Annually this country spends more than two per cent of its total national income for educa tion. Where an investment of eight or nine billion dollars per year is involved —an outlay that is and should be constantly growing—it is inevitable that many individuals and organized groups will be concerned with the source of this income, the manner in which the money is raised, and how it is spent. The Subcommittee was concerned with financial support of education only as it might be an origin or source of friction and misunderstanding between educators and industrialists. In a civilized society there are many services which affect practically the total population. The most universal of these probably is protection of person and property by government. In America, other services which the people have come to expect include education, good roads and streets and harbors, an adequate and safe water supply, postal facilities, a telephone system, pro tection against fire, a public press and many others. Some of these services, like the postal system, are provided entirely by the Federal government. Pro tection against fire is almost always a local government responsibility. Roads and harbors are provided in varying degrees and methods of combination by Federal, state, and local governments, the privately-owned toll roads being a rare exception. Finally there are services provided entirely by private capital, such as the telephone and press. Among all these services education is unique in respect to its support. This support is provided, in part, by local governments, by state governments, by the Federal government, by religious bodies, by national charitable organi zations, by private capital as a profit-making investment, by contributions of a non-profit-making purpose both from individuals and from corporations organized for profit, by tax-free foundations, by specific endowments inherited from the past, and by scholarships and grants from many sources and for many purposes. No other service for the benefit of all members of society is pro vided in such diverse forms and ways and from such heterogeneous sources. Constitutionally, public education in America is a function of the several states. The states, in the exercise of this function delegated by the people themselves, in turn delegate responsibility for education to local governments through local school boards. Carrying out their responsibilities, the states pro vide financial support to local communities to guarantee a minimum educa- P U B LIC ED U C A T IO N IS A N e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e [ii] �tional program for the children within their borders. It is to be expected that a state will require certain minimum educational standards of the local com munities which receive tax-raised funds. The state governments thus maintain a form of "remote control” over the local school systems, but under this con stitutional authority the local communities, for the most part, maintain local autonomy and make major decisions as to policy and practice. Many problems, cross-purposes, misunderstandings and criticisms arise directly from the diversity of support. Some are serious and far-reaching; others are local. The lack of adequate financial support for a private school of secondary education, for illustration, involves different considerations than lack of an adequate tax rate in a local community to supply essential elemen tary school facilities for the children of that community. Failure to make allowance for the differences involved is a source of some of the criticism and resentment that flare up. To attempt to apply a uniform measure of correlation between financial support and control to all institutions of learning or training, public and private, large and small, elementary and advanced, would be unrealistic and perhaps unwise. There is a further basic source of misunderstanding, and it is embedded in the foundation of the structure of financial support for the schools. It is one which all people should recognize and keep in mind. Specifically, the pat tern for organization and support of the American educational system (and particularly the core of elementary and secondary tax-supported public edu cation) constituted an early concession by an individualistic people to the socialistic concept. Wise or unwise, the fact remains that support and control of the schools, to a large extent, was turned over to governmental bodies sometime in the past, through proper legislative procedure that expressed the views of a majority of the people at the time the action was taken. With governmental support and control there is inclined to be less con sideration of minority wishes by the majority, more dependence on the advice of professional experts than on purely local considerations, and more inclina tion to follow current political and sociological ideologies which may not be approved by some individualists. There is still a proper place and way, through the democratic political processes of local government, for the individual to make his opinions known and his influence felt. It should be remembered that the differences in size and nature of educa tional units, in the sources of financial support, in the control correlated with support, all combine to give American education much of its strength, its vitality, its ability to grow with changing times and its ability to meet increas ingly varied demands. For this reason, centralization or consolidation of finan- cial support, with corresponding requirements for minimum standards of edu cation and other controls, should be watched by both educators and indus trialists. The financial support of a minimum educational program within a state should always be balanced by a maximum decentralization of direction and control. Financial support alone is not sufficient to assure the effective and forceful program of education which a dynamic society requires. Industry should make available to Education its vast fund of knowledge and experience, accumu lated through years of research, production, management, and services to the public. Industrial "know how” should be readily available to Education in an advisory way in connection with problems of curriculum, administration, and personnel. In fact, proper support of education should include continuous concern of industrialists and all other segments of the community, as well as educators, with all educational policies and problems, on both state and local levels. [12] [13] �IV THE RESPONSIBILITIES OF EDUCATORS S chools are established and financially supported, and teachers accept salaries and professional recognition, to do a certain job. That is to give the next generation the best education which the current adult genera tion is able or willing to afford. However, what is meant by "the best educa tion,” and what duties are inherent in that term, are often the source of much controversy. The age of the pupils, the educational level of the classroom, whether the school is publicly or privately supported, the nature of the subject matter, the established purpose of the course of instruction, and the other media avail able for both mental and spiritual influence, all have to be considered. It would be difficult to arrive at a definition of "the best education” that would be sufficiently all-inclusive to apply to all circumstances. In considering the responsibilities of educators, the question arises of "indoctrination versus objective teaching.” It is possible, for example, even in beginner’s arithmetic, to use the classroom for propaganda purposes. Prob lems can deal with the benefits of government subsidies and social security on the one hand, or the advantages of profits, dividends, and successful business ventures on the other. Thus the minds of 8-year-olds can be influenced accord ing to the bias of the textbook and the teacher. Conscious proselytizing is completely outside of a teacher’s clearly recog nized duties. But examples in beginner’s arithmetic must be related to the dynamic world in which the pupil lives if arthmetic is to be interesting and have meaning. To accuse a teacher of dealing in propaganda when no such intention exists is as unjustifiable as deliberate indoctrination by the teacher would be. The question of indoctrination becomes more involved when a graduate seminar in economics, conducted by an outstanding scholar, is considered. To expect an educator who is an authority in his field not to have strong opinions is unrealistic. To ask him to conduct his classes with complete objectivity and without revealing his convictions is to deprive mature students, rightfully de siring to hear his particular theory or viewpoint expounded, of values which might be inherent in the course. Iron-clad insistence on complete objectivity would certainly drive thinkers and leaders from the world of Education. Clear ly, considerable latitude must be allowed before a teacher can justifiably be accused of indoctrination, and all of the circumstances should be known and carefully weighed. [14 ] Any teacher, whatever his political convictions, has the right and respon sibility to participate as a citizen in community, state and national affairs so long as his activities do not decrease his effectiveness in the classroom and are not inimical to the national well-being. In fact, more interest on the part of educators in government and community affairs is desirable. The basic objec tion to indoctrination is not that such teaching will inculcate beliefs which some groups are certain to oppose, but that it is not the teacher’s job. A teacher’s responsibility for religious instruction and moral training is determined by the nature of the institution and the known desires of the administrative body and/or the community. The emphasis to be placed on vocational training is similarly established. Considerations which apply to an expensive private college preparatory school differ greatly from the require ments set up for a public high school in a metropolitan suburb populated by industrial workers. The responsibilities of the educator vary with circum stances, and these responsibilities should be defined as clearly as possible. In addition to an honest job of teaching, educators, more than any other group except the clergy, are expected to set a good example for the younger generation and the community as a whole. Teaching is not "just one of the professions.” It is one of the oldest and most highly and universally honored. Respect for educators is as continuous as civilization itself. Nowhere is there a more clear application of the principle that honor and authority impose obligations and responsibilities. Careful regard for per sonal reputation is one of those obligations. A teacher’s loyalty to his country should be unquestionable; his honesty, integrity and moral standards should be above reproach. He should exercise good judgment in all personal asso ciations and affiliations, including his relationships with professional organi zations for the protection or advancement of the legitimate interests of teachers as a group. Educators have a responsibility for preserving mutual respect between their profession and other segments of the community population. They have a legitimate complaint when critics make sweeping charges of "left-wing ideologies” or "ivory-tower stupidities” against educators in general. But the educator who makes similar exaggerated denunciations against businessmen is being equally unfair; and in both cases immense harm is done. The voice of criticism is welcome on the American scene, but it must be scrupulously exact and conscientious in order to retain respect. Education is one of the accepted overhead costs in America. Educators have an obligation to observe economy and efficiency in the discharge of their responsibilities and in the use of the facilities provided them. By nature and [15] �training, educators are generally inclined to regard economy as a virtue, both in the use of their own and other people’s money. A continuation of this care ful regard for costs will do much to foster whole-hearted support of Educa tion’s growing needs by all groups within a community and by Industry in particular. Educators cannot escape responsibility for keeping abreast of changes, and for being aware of developments in materials and methods related to their own teaching fields. Industry has an equally strong responsibility for bringing information regarding the results of inventions and discoveries to the attention of the schools; but the ultimate responsibility for keeping teach ing geared to a dynamic age rests with the educators. It is the responsibility of Education to support, and frequently to lead, the necessary and continuing fight to preserve freedom of expression and freedom of inquiry. Even tolerance of intolerance must be safeguarded, so long as that intolerance does not attempt to destroy our American heritage of freedom. All educators should oppose any attempt by either government or public opinion to repress expression of honest views or to curtail scientific studies and researches. An educator must stand ready to fight for his right to pursue knowledge in the true scientific spirit. Because Education has a cen turies-old familiarity with the struggle to achieve and maintain freedom for the human mind, the American people rightfully look to educators for leader ship in that continuous battle. To summarize, every educator from kindergarten teacher to the holder of a distinguished professional chair in a graduate school, is employed to do a certain job. The nature, extent, and limitations of that job are usually estab lished with reasonable clarity. They ought to be easily understood by a person of intellectual integrity. The primary responsibility of the educator is to do honestly, and as well as he can, the job for which he was hired. Teachers are expected to be persons, and not automatons. It is inevitable and desirable that their personalities and character should make effective impressions on youth; that their manners, persuasions, and moral and spiritual values should have influence. But teachers are not employed as preachers, politicians, statesmen or prophets. Any conscious effort by a teacher to function in such capacities, at the expense of primary duty, is a failure to live up to an obligation to the society which is supporting him in exchange for his service. No principle of academic freedom is involved here, nor of tolerance and fair-mindedness. It is a matter of integrity with respect to duties that have been assumed. Finally, and perhaps most important of all, Education is responsible for maintaining continuity of thought and culture and moral values between present and past. Neither utilitarian education nor speculative theory should lead off too soon from the "main road” of education. That "main road” of accumulated knowledge and fundamental culture, leading from the remote past through the present and into the future, should be kept open wide and well paved. There is a great need in the confused world of today for better morals, more self-discipline, and a sounder sense of values. Possibly the great est contribution Education can make toward meeting that need is to give all who pass through its doors a deeper awareness of what we owe to the great artists and scientists, the teachers, thinkers, inventors, the explorers and states men, the poets and patriots of the past. [16] [17] �V THE RESPONSIBILITIES OF INDUSTRY TO EDUCATION or group to another person or group are imposed in part by benefits received or to be expected. Industry’s re sponsibilities to Education are based primarily on four broad considerations. F irst, and most apparent, is that Industry must look to Education for its supply of trained personnel. This need includes, obviously, research and de velopment scientists and engineers. If the quality of industrial output and serv ice to society is continually to support and improve an ever-rising standard of living in America, Industry must have in top-management positions the type of men who have the vision and intelligence to assure improved industrial concepts and production. This implies need for training in the liberal arts as well as in science and business administration. Industry also requires nonscientific personnel for specialized departmental duties such as traffic manage ment, job evaluation, and accounting. Education should supply men with suffi cient business management training to shorten the period needed for gaining experience before executive responsibilities can be assumed. Finally there are the skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled workers—the people who start with beginners’jobs which demand varying degrees of skill, training, and education. All of these people can better adjust to job situations with a minimum of fric tion and costly job-turnover if they have acquired from the schools at least a basic understanding of actual conditions in the world of work. The s ec o n d concern of Industry with the objectives of Education lies in raising the material standard of living in America through the higher expecta tions of all of the people, which inevitably results from raising the level of education. This upward trend helps to create expanding markets upon which Industry thrives. Even elementary education in America has made people want, and work to get, bathtubs and fountain pens, better clothes and encyclopedias, table silver and classical records, and countless other products of industry for which these same people, if completely illiterate, would feel far less urge. The impact of education on material desires and expectations is felt at every level of society and of education, and the greatest importance of this force probably lies in the future. Industry has a tremendous stake in the influence and exten sion of Education in America. A th ir d consideration is that Education fulfill its obligation for teaching moral and spiritual values. The public schools must be non-denominational, but the men and women who teach in these schools, as responsible professional members of society, are at work daily with boys and girls who should derive T h e r e s p o n s ib ilitie s o f o n e p e r s o n [18] a high standard of moral and spiritual values from school experiences. Such concepts develop the individual as a constructive social unit, contributing to the betterment of group living and advancing the standards of conduct essen tial to perpetuation of this nation’s culture. F o u rth and last, Industry must look to Education to assure the economic and political literacy of the people which alone will preserve the American free-enterprise system and social order. Upon that "way of life” both Industry and Education are grounded. Industry, as one member of the American social organism, is concerned that Education, an entirely separate member, continue its significant role in keeping the whole organism healthy and functioning forcefully. Proceeding from these basic considerations, what then are the responsi bilities of Industry to Education? The responsibility of Industry for more active participation in the prepar ation of young people who enter industrial employment (the first considera tion) has increased each year. A complex industrial society, a multiplicity of jobs, the increasingly urgent need for intelligent citizenship, leave no alterna tive. Industry is a natural co-partner in the education of tomorrow's full-time, adult workers. The days when schools were self-contained within their insti tutional walls are past. Those walls are being pushed out to encompass the entire community. Industrial and business establishments are becoming the daily laboratories and workshops of both secondary schools and colleges in the all-important task of training youth, while they are still in school, for jobs of their own choosing. Industrial progress results in occupational changes. Individuals differ in their abilities and desires. No single laboratory or single training program will meet the needs of the nation’s industrialized society. Industry and business ultimately employ large numbers of young people whether they are prepared for employment or not; whether they have gradu ated from college, high school, a technical school, or have become the so-called "early school leavers,” unprepared for employment. It is profitable from the standpoint of both Industry and society to equip them with education and train ing consistent with their desires, aptitudes, and abilities before they leave the full-time school and enter employment. Young people should have the kind of education which will prepare them adequately for their careers and their civic responsibilities. Industrialists and businessmen can help keep them in school longer, or keep many of them in school at least part-time, by cooperating with Education in practical arts courses and vocational and technical courses which are given in the regular school program or as work-study programs. [19] �Education and Industry must g o farther than merely preparing individ uals to enter employment. After people are employed it must be possible for them to work for promotion and advancement. Educators and industrialists, working together, should provide opportunities for continuing education, making certain at the same time that workers become increasingly aware of their civic responsibilities. Since Industry looks to the influence of Education for developing interest in improved living standards, with correspondingly expanded markets (the second consideration), Industry has an obligation to be intelligently aware of what educators are doing and trying to do. It is probably true that the average businessman knows more about current activities in the stock market, in big league baseball, in the movie and entertainment world, and even among prize fighters, than he does about the personnel, methods, objectives, and compara tive standing of the public school system in his home town. To the extent that this indifference is obvious to teachers, they turn less and less for guidance to the communities they serve. It is the duty of industrialists to have a view point, based on factual information, regarding the educational goals and prac tices of both the public and private institutions of learning in their communi ties, and to make that viewpoint known for the benefit and encouragement of everybody concerned. An obvious complementary duty is to give educators better and more attractive opportunities to get acquainted with Industry. Many teachers, while recognizing Industry as vital in the world in which they live and about which they teach, have little or no knowledge of industrial problems or the con tributions of Industry to public well-being beyond what they have learned from books. To them, production lines, inventories, amortization, reinvest ment, re-tooling, packaging, distribution, labor relations, risk capital, and even industrial competition are abstract terms, not palpable things and never-fin ished problems to be struggled with daily in order to supply the products people take for granted. The unfamiliarity of educators with what industrialists are doing and are trying to do undoubtedly is as great as Industry’s unawareness of Educa tion’s problems, objectives, and accomplishments. Industry must constantly take the initiative to overcome apathetic and harmful aloofness, wherever it may appear. It is imperative that American industry, justifiably believing in the necessity, the efficiency, and the sociological soundness of its operations, should have both the enlightened criticism and confident moral support of Education. It is largely educators who appraise for young people the social system they are about to inherit. If the appraisal of Industry is to be based on [20 ] sound knowledge, actual observation, and shared experience, Industry must maintain a continuous open house to Education and make its hospitality evi dent and sincere. Closely related to the more widespread and purposeful "looking-in” on one group by the other, but meeting additional and different needs, are joint conferences where Education and Industry meet on grounds of common inter est. Educators should take the initiative in these ventures just as much as indus trialists. The fact remains, however, that there certainly is a responsibility on the part of Industry to promote conferences where both Industry and Edu cation can gain through mutual assistance or can further civic usefulness through an exchange of ideas, information, or opinions. Industry’s third basic requirement of Education was that the schools up hold moral and spiritual values. Certainly, Industry has a responsibility to Education for moral and spiritual backing against destructive criticism and unwarranted attack. Past experience with Industry’s concern for Education justifies confidence in fair-mindedness as part of that concern. Because of their experience and training, industrial leaders should be disposed to look for facts and important principles in issues which are be clouded by storms of charges and countercharges which too frequently elec trify the educational atmosphere. It is the duty of those in Industry to take a firm stand for judicial consideration of documented charges against specific individuals. Industrialists must insist upon proof of claims of abuses in the educational profession, of conspiratorial purpose, or of other pursuits harmful to Education or to the public, as against general accusations. It is also a duty of industrialists to step in on their own initiative and exert maximum influence to restore tolerance and common sense, whenever storms appear which consist primarily of sound and fury. Finally, Industry’s obligation to Education for the preservation of Amer ica’s social and economic structure (the fourth basic consideration) is in itself economic; it involves financial support. A major goal of American Education, beyond question, is an advanced state of intelligent literacy and understanding for the total population. Indus try is definitely in accord with this aim of Education. This being so, Industry must face and accept its responsibility for a large part of the cost of such an achievement. Youth spends far more hours in school today than fifty years ago, and the schools have had to assume responsibility for many functions of youth-training that once were performed by the home or other agencies. Industrial education, agricultural education, and related instruction for apprentices now provided [ ] 21 �VI THE ULTIMATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR EDUCATION T here are three major segments of the population concerned with the quality, objectives, and accomplishments of Education in America. First, there are the teachers and educational administrators. Second, there are those who support Education through either taxes or direct contributions, and who are represented by boards of education and boards of trustees. Third, there are the parents, who have a particular and unique responsibility. Many other influences are at work, one being the demands and prefer ences of the students themselves, especially the many self-supporting adults now attending colleges and graduate schools. The total effect of this group and other lesser forces is not strong enough to change the major three-pronged responsibility, however. The influence wielded by each of the three groups varies tremendously with the time, the place, and the kind of educational institution considered. It is obvious, too, that the groups overlap greatly. Teachers, for example, are taxpayers, and many of them are parents. It is likewise obvious that the impact of the opinions of one group on the others is varied and sometimes indeter minate. There are difficulties in drawing even shadowy lines of separation be tween the three groups in trying to assess responsibility. Praise or blame for results that please everybody or nobody can never be assigned to one group alone. When a community has a superior local school system it is usually because teachers, administrators, taxpayers, and parents all take a great inter est and pride in that school system. If a long-established university starts run ning down, it will usually be found that faculty members have become discour aged, alumni contributors have lost interest, and parents of students attending the university are guiltily ignorant of its shortcomings. The responsibility for good or bad education must be shared by all three groups and cannot be apportioned percentagewise among them. There are vast differences in the relationships of these groups to the schools and to the problems of education. Each group has a different base for its duties and its authority. The influence of each group is exerted through mechanics, and with a degree of directness, which differ from the same factors of the other group. Finally, the fundamental reason for each having responsi bility, and the extent and nature of the moral accountability involved, is differ ent in each case. For the deliberations and purposes of the Subcommittee, it [24] was important to consider these differences and the part they play in some of the problems with which Education and Industry are concerned. The most immediate responsibility—and in actual practice the most ex tensive responsibility for the direction and success of American education— lies with the teaching profession. This means that in reality it falls very heavily upon the colleges and on the recognized experts within the teaching profes sion. It is from these sources that the teachers, of all educational specialties and levels and in all of the many kinds of educational institutions, receive the early professional training and the continuing guidance which largely deter mine the methods, skills, and objectives finally manifest in the classroom. Occasionally there is a tendency to claim infallibility for outstanding educational experts, or at least an inclination to claim for them such superior ity of knowledge and judgment in an esoteric field that laymen must not be allowed to interfere in any way with the practices and aims they prescribe for their disciples. This extremist view should not be accepted by either the public or by the great body of educators themselves. But educators and industrialists should have no quarrel with the position, short of this extreme, which is ac corded to recognized leaders within educational ranks. The American people realize that teaching is a specialized profession and respect the value of pro fessional competency. It is taken for granted that proper recognition should be given by both laymen and those in the profession to the opinions, precepts, and carefully considered policies of those who have earned places of leader ship and authority in the world of Education. To the extent that these experts are given a free hand and a loyal following, they must bear a large measure of responsibility for the final results of the entire educational effort. In America at the present time the extent of acceptance of the experts’ authority is great. The next source of responsibility for Education resides in those who pay taxes and make financial contributions which keep schools and colleges oper ating. They do and should have something to say about the quality and quan tity, the methods and objectives of Education. Just as there are extreme views regarding the authority to be attached to professional stature, there are extremists among those who finance Education. The argument that financing bestows power and authority is well expressed in the old saying, "He who pays the piper may call the tune.” Here again, this extreme view is not accepted by educators, parents, or even by the majority of the group for whom it is advanced. Even in areas of ideology that are currently most controversial, those who pay the bills for Education are, generally speaking, willing to endorse the statement attributed to Voltaire: "I disagree with what you say but will defend [25] �VII SUMMARY: THIS WE BELIEVE ABOUT EDUCATION 1] That the purposes of education are many and varied in America, where a high degree of freedom has prevailed in the growth of both private and public education. Wide variation in accepted educational purposes, while decried by some, is to be expected and should be accented as a natural develop ment in a society which encourages great diversity in its search for truth. There probably is no one single purpose of education acceptable to all, but some rather widely accepted purposes without reference to their order of importance may be generalized as follows: (a) To prepare the individual to make a living and to make progress in his vocation, or to help in that process; (b) To prepare the individual for mature and complete living—personal and family, social and civic—in today’s world, and to help develop the moral, ethical, and spiri tual values which benefit both the individual and society; and (c) To increase man’s understanding of the arts, sciences, and humanities, and his appreciation of his cultural heritage. la] But that acceptance of purposes should be related to the size, grade level, and nature of the educational institutions and to the learners who are to attend those institutions. The purposes of education should be determined by the needs of the learners, and in this nation there should be available ample variety in learning opportunities. The relative emphasis to be placed on the different purposes of education should be determined with wide latitude and consideration for all concerned. In all education due regard for excellence of educational programs and quality of teaching should be given. This is an important requirement for the preservation of a society of free individuals. ♦ ♦ ♦ 3] That every teacher in America should have the unquestioned right to impart knowledge objectively concerning all matters related to the subject he teaches. Teachers of economics or of government or of any of the social sciences should discuss without hesitation the theories, practices, and histories of all systems of government including the government of collectivist states, to the extent required for the properly balanced organization of a particular course. When subject matter does deal with governments and ideologies, teachers should take into consideration the maturity and grade level of the learners. The younger the pupil and the more elementary the instruction, the less excuse there is for deviation from objective teaching. Completely objective teaching, however, especially of the social studies, while a desirable goal, can scarcely be expected or achieved in actual practice by teachers who are also thinking human beings; reasonable deviation from this absolute standard should not expose any teacher to attack, intimidation, or insecurity of his position. 3a] But that neither freedom of speech nor freedom of academic inquiry and instruction gives a teacher the right to a captive audience of impression able young people, as a target for propaganda on behalf of theories or prac tices that are disapproved by the community which has put that audience in his charge for other purposes. Within limitations dictated by the circumstances of his semi-official position, a teacher should be free to express his personal opinions and to take direct and active interest in community problems. The teacher should assume his responsbility as a citizen in the community, but he has no right to the classroom as his private pulpit. Nor should a proper regard for the prejudices of individual human beings and tolerance for differing opin ions extend to the point of giving a teacher the right to intolerance of beliefs with which h e does not agree, nor to the conversion of his teaching into exclusive indoctrination of any social or political philosophy. H e * * 2] That all established relationships between individuals, and between the individual and society as a whole, are subject to change, and that any effort on the part of Education or of particular educators to keep the American social organization static instead of dynamic, or to prevent or to ignore change, would be contrary to the proper spirit and purpose of American Education. 2a] But that acceptance and evaluation of change should proceed from a fundamental and firm belief in the American form of government, in the free, private, competitive enterprise system, and in the maximum freedom for the individual that the essential functions of government in a complex modern civilization will permit. 4] That no attack on any teacher or on his teaching, because of his indi vidual ideological convictions (short of advocacy of the overthrow of the government), should be supported or condoned. 4a] But that bona fide attempts, based on reasonable evidence, to show that a particular teacher is taking advantage of his position to preach a social philosophy opposed by his local community or by the group his institution primarily serves, rather than to teach about it objectively, are to be considered judicially and not construed or distorted as attacks, either on academic freedom or on the whole American educational system. [28] [29] �5] That complaints of subversive activities or collectivist indoctrination of students by individual teachers should be weighed and given consideration by the legally constituted school authorities in preference to any such action by any outside agency, governmental or otherwise. This procedure should be followed whether the complaints are initiated by resident members of the local community, by members of the group served by the particular institution em ploying the teacher, or by some other source. 5a] But that it is perfectly proper for American citizens, as individuals, or in groups, or through organizations, to make and publish objective studies of any and all aspects of the educational system, and to obtain as wide distribu tion of the findings of such studies as they can. A study of the declared methods and stated purposes of education, as taught in the various colleges or by indi viduals in these colleges; a study of the textbooks being used or offered for use in educational institutions; a study of the articles, essays, speeches and books put forth by influential educators as guides to other members of the teaching profession—all these are quite properly within the province of ob servation and scrutiny. Few educators would wish to single out the educational system as the one area of American public life which should not be subjected to constant study and criticism. Those few who would must not be allowed to do so. * * * 6] That businessmen, the public, and educators should view with proper and customary caution sweeping charges made by any group which studies the educational system and publishes adverse findings as to its methods, purposes, or practices, or as to the ideological loyalties of some of its leaders. 6a] But that smearing the groups or the individuals responsible for such criticisms is not satisfactory refutation of their evidence or of their arguments. Charges which cannot be substantiated should be refuted. * * * 7] That while in the choice of textbooks, determination of curricula, and formulation of teaching methods, interested individuals or lay committees may make a healthy and valuable contribution, final decisions should be left with educational administrators, teachers, or committees of teachers, subject to the general authority of boards of education or of college trustees. 7a] But that the people who provide and maintain these institutions for the education of their children should have the right of final approval or dis approval of decisions of teachers, committees, and educational administrators, [30] and even boards of education and college trustees. In the case of public ele mentary and secondary schools, this final decision is exercised through the ballot box in the election of members of boards of education. In the case of institutions of higher learning it is exercised through the action of state legis lators, the protests of alumni, or by withholding of grants for financial sup port. Fortunately, this final decision is frequently cumbersome and slow; this constitutes a safeguard against the rash use of such authority in making deci sions. But this right of final authority should always be available if necessary, as a last resort. * * * 8] That constitutionally public education is a function of the several states, and that statewide legislation establishing minimum standards of at tendance, minimum educational standards, requirements for facilities, and the pattern of local administration within certain limits of authority and responsibilty, is necessary and proper. 8a] But that community responsibility, community administration, and community determination of matters concerning local school systems should not be weakened by centralization of either facilities or control beyond actual requirements for the most efficient and economical educational service in a given area. A thousand errors of policy or practice, however gross some of these errors may be, all tend to cancel each other out in time; and America has gained tremendously by this right of small groups to make progress in all fields of social effort by separate methods of trial and error. * * * 9] That teaching should be regarded as one of the great professions; that teachers themselves should act, and should be regarded by the community, as members of such a profession; that this regard should be shown by paying teachers salaries commensurate with the service rendered by a great profession; and that businessmen, who carry a large part of the tax load, should take the lead in creating everywhere public opinion in favor of a salary standard for teachers which will help to attract the ablest young people and to hold them in the profession. 9a] But that educators should earn and retain this esteem through con tinuous professional development, and by a careful regard for personal asso ciations, affiliations, and reputations. Teachers should refrain from joining or supporting organizations which lower the stature of their profession in the eyes of the community. [ 3 '] �10] That the schools today are expected to assume a wider range of responsibilities, as to preparation of children for adult life, than were expected of schools a generation ago. Hence the educational system should have con siderable latitude in familiarizing students with new scientific, technical, and cultural developments; in providing new experiences and outlooks, ideas and knowledge and contemporary concepts which parents—as an older genera tion—may not be in a position to impart. 10a] But that the schools are still only one of the agencies concerned with the upbringing of youth. The home, Sunday schools and churches, Boy and Girl Scout organizations (simply by way of illustration) are others with varying degrees of influence. The schools should neither try, be expected, nor be permitted to assume exclusive or near-exclusive responsibility. The ultimate final responsibility for the education and upbringing of every child still re mains, and should remain, in the family of which that child is a part. The schools must be regarded as agents of, and auxiliary to, parents in the schools’ assumption of a part of that responsibility. * * * 11] That educational programs and standards should be as broad and inclusive as practical considerations will permit; that the measureless value of diversity in educational theories and practices, manifesting itself in many ways beyond the few examples cited here, should be fully recognized by both the profession and the public; that this heterogeneity is a chief source of the strength and progress of American Education; and that in Education as in all other divisions of its cultural activities, America should be and remain a melt ing pot of professional experimentation, and of ideas, purposes, and traditions that merge to make the nation great. 11a] But that too radical or idiosyncratic deviations in educational theory or practice, from the broad standards determined and accepted by pre ponderant public opinion and professional experience, should not be sup ported in so universal a nation-wide service as Education. [32] � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource This We Believe About Education, A Statement Concerning Education in America, by the Educational Advisory Committee and the Educational Advisory Council of the National Association of Manufacturers, March 1954 Description An account of the resource Booklet published by the National Association of Manufacturers expressing their support of public education in the US. 16 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource National Association of Manufacturers 1954-03 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_49 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/49e00a2cf0de2a5e11b40127dd931d2d.pdf f1d660223ccd3750c92c3de5d8aa87f7 PDF Text Text Teachers, in their rejection of authoritar ianism have lost, in considerable measure, respect for and acceptance of democratic controls rightfully vested in duly con stituted authority under the form of gov ernment in which we live. Government, without leadership and without controls, whether it be government of a nation or a school system, is anarchy. In a democ racy, leadership and controls are achieved by the will of the people for the good of the majority. Once they “become,” co operative endeavor is the duty of all citi zens. Attack, therefore, should not be directed against leadership per se or con trol per se, but rather against the inade quate functions of leadership and against the ineffectiveness of the controls. Authority in Democracy Necessary While there has been much talk of de mocracy in administration, there has been too little understanding of its concept. It does not, and should not, mean license for teachers to dismiss legitimately constituted authority or reject validly organized con trols as being traditional and anachronis tic; it does not and should not mean that a superintendent ought literally to abdicate his responsibilities in favor of a multitude who speak in a wilderness of doubt. At a recent meeting of school leaders, one superintendent in informal discussion re marked that for a superintendent to send a directive to teachers was most undemo cratic. “It’s no longer done,” he said. This superficial way of defining the terms of democracy has led only to confusion and uncertainty. Democracy in administration and the practice of good human relations go hand in hand. A proper concept of democracy insures better human relations; conversely, better human relations promote the ideals of democracy. The science of human relations as ap plied to the superintendency has many implications. It means having a sensitive awareness of people. It means taking a sincere and positive interest in teachers as people, their needs, their aspirations, their social climate, and their physical environ ment. In large school systems where it is impossible for a superintendent to knowall teachers personally, it will be to his ad vantage to inventory their needs through respective principals and supervisors. It means indicating a willingness to discuss problems, to reduce variances, to alleviate tensions, and to make adjustments when ever and wherever such action is feasible and possible. It means allowing teachers and principals to exercise reasonable free dom in the direction and management of their buildings and classes. It means in viting teachers to share in the selection of textbooks, the revision of curricula, and the making of personnel policies. It fheans understanding the principles of democracy in action and exerting leadership worthy of the democratic frame of reference. All this is no easy task. It is, however, a necessary function of the superintendency as we know it today. We Bring the Community Into Our Schools T. Edward Rutter Every parent, who has sat at the dinner table and heard his children tell of the day’s happenings at school, knows that public schools in America touch family life in an intimate way, week after week and year after year. Because of this close contact between the home and the class room, our schools are perhaps better suited to community co-operation in planning than any other official government agency. Schools in Arlington, Virginia, have tried to make use of this natural interest in schools by bringing citizens into school advisory groups and by encouraging par ents and teachers to co-operate in many phases of school enrichment. Arlington’s school citizens’ advisory committees and councils have had a good deal of publicity. These groups enlist the aid of more than 500 men and women of the community to serve specific school needs. First among the group are advisory com mittees, one for each school, named by the school board to keep a watchful eye on the individual school, and to serve as a liaison between the school community, the superintendent, and the school board. Principals Recommend Parents Since it is impossible for Arlington school •Superintendent of Schools, Arlington County, Va. 30 board members to be really well acquainted with all patrons in each of its more than forty schools, the board usually asks prin cipals to recommend parents to be named on the advisory committees. Each com mittee member is appointed for one year but may be reappointed. The committees range in size from three members for the smallest schools to as many as seven for junior and senior high schools. Each committee appoints its own chair man, meets as often as necessary to con sider the condition of the school building and grounds, and any other matters which the members wish to call to the attention of the school board. Not all advisory committee requests can be granted — but the committees help to bring about improvements which board members might not recognize as needed. Also, the committee members are urged to attend regular school board meetings to learn about the schools. All committees are called in for consultation as an entire group when some specific problem faces the school board and the board wishes to get the reaction of the community as a whole. The H om e Economics A dvisory Council at one of its regular meetings in the beautifully appointed Washington-and-Lee H igh School H ome Economics suite. SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL for OCTOBER, 1953 �THE AMERICAN S c W BtmrbJmrnuil Jeidcf^cio^mnjnfoi ^roiaoSfordii{ii> O C T O B E R ............................1953 A M iddle W ay in — Human Relations and the School Superintendency »<maar . k m,, ru>.Until fairly recently, to organize, to tion of the superintendency. The tradi supervise, and to deputize were considered tional superintendent ordered his personnel the chief tasks of the public-school admin through the exercise of authority dele istrator. In the past decade, however, with gated to him by the School Committee or interest heightened in the school superin Board of Education. School policies and tendency as a profession, two additional procedures did not emerge or evolve as the major functions have emerged, namely: result of discussion, conference, and mental to publicize and to humanize. Of all these interaction between superintendent and and the many less-emphasized functions staff. They suddenly were because he, the associated with the administration of a superintendent, decreed they should be. Rigid authoritarianism has been known school system, the last — to humanize — is probably a superintendent’s most impor to order personnel without consultation or tant task. Paradoxically enough, however, explanation; to limit the activities of teachers without justifiable reason; to dis it is also probably the most neglected. There are several reasons why the “hu cipline staff members without the courtesy man relations” function of the school su of a hearing; to deny the maladjusted perintendency has received less attention adjustment without consideration of the than have other aspects of the job. In the pertinent facts; to superimpose ideas, cur main, human relations as a social science ricula, and methods without allowing teach has been a comparatively new development, ers the privilege of participation or dis and the school superintendency as a pro cussion. fession is a goal just in the process of Benevolent authoritarianism, though emergence. Moreover, the whole area of more subtle in action is, nonetheless, no human relations, significant though it be, more righteous in principle than rigid au is less tangible, less objective, as it were, thoritarianism. The only difference is in than the areas of organization, supervision, method of attack. Here the superintendent authorization, or public relations. It is invites the confidence of personnel, in more subtle, too, demanding a keen insight terests the staff in participation, considers into the complexities of human nature and the “peeves” of teachers, and gives soa sincere interest in the worth and dignity called “lip service” to democratic proce of the human personality. dures, because, on the surface, it “looks good” and makes teachers “feel impor tant.” Despite this seeming willingness to The Older Philosophy show regard for teachers as intelligent Still another conditioning factor has been human beings, the benevolent dictator, in the effect prevailing philosophies of edu the final analysis, does eventually what cation have had upon school administration he would have done anyway with or with from time to time. The philosophy of out the consultation of his personnel. In authoritarianism left little room for the this increasingly enlightened era, in which development of human relations as a func- many teachers have had excellent prepara tory background for their respective teach *Assistant Superintendent of Schools, Holyoke, Mass. ing tasks, these nuances in administrative SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL fo r OCTOBER, 1953 approach do not go unnoticed. Usually they are all too completely understood by the teaching personnel and tend only to result in resentment and dissatisfaction. * “Laissez-Faire” Also Bad A policy of school administration, equally as dangerous as authoritarianism in human relations, is “laissez-faire-ism.” There are those in the superintendency who believe that they should intervene as little as possible in personnel problems. They “delegate” authority to the next person “down” the line because “it was always done that way.” Or, some superintendents just find it more expedient to let things be as they are, or let teachers proceed as they will, irrespective of the long-range effects of such action. These superintend ents operate almost exclusively on the “don’t let yourself get involved” or “things will take care of themselves” premise. Because of the inadequate attention paid to the implications of human rela tions as an aspect of school administration, there has come to be, in some places, a definite cleavage between duly constituted authority, on the one hand, and the teach ing corps, on the other. Where this con dition obtains, teachers seem ever to be on the defensive. They suspect authority; they resent it; they defy it. They are as sensi tive of their position in the matter as labor is sensitive to capital. This is indeed regrettable. Confusion and disorder are bound to result. Failure of educational leaders to crystal lize democracy and to define authority in school administration, particularly in ap plication to human relations, has created a situation that is far from wholesome. 29 �Work of Advisory Councils Advisory councils, also appointed by the school board, serve in Arlington to assist the board in its planning concerning six teen different fields of curriculum and administration. During the past year, councils studied and made recommendations concerning art, audio-visual education, budget procedures, construction, distributive education, guid ance, health, home economics, libraries, music, personnel policies, physical educa- with all phases of our school program and with all members of the staff, it has been found worth while to set up two liaison groups among paid members of the school staff. First, there is a well-functioning Super intendent’s Advisory Council, composed of eleven selected supervisors and principals, who meet with the superintendent once a month to present matters which might otherwise escape his attention and to give their opinions concerning phases of school management which the superintendent classroom discipline, and the teaching of arithmetic and reading are among topics discussed last year by the Parents’ Coun cil. The associate superintendent in charge of instruction directs this group. A Teacher’s Council on Instruction is another unique organization in Arlington. The Teachers’ Council is made up of one teacher representative from each of Ar lington’s public schools. They meet for half a day once each month to report problems from each building for which county-wide policies are needed, and also The A d v iso r y C om m ittees w ork w ith th e board in th e solu tion of in dividu al as w ell as general problem s. Illu stra ted are m em bers of th e H e n ry E lem en tary School and Jefferson Junior H igh School com m ittees who w orked w ith th e board on plans fo r addition s to those schools. tion, school lunches, special education for the handicapped, speech (including radio, TV, and drama), and trades and industry. A member of the school staff, such as the supervisor in the field under study, serves as executive secretary of each ad visory council. A citizen chairman is named for each. Every school board which names ad visory committees and councils must face the fact that it is a time-consuming job to work with community groups. However, the Arlington board hears all recommenda tions from these bodies and learns much from them concerning what should be done in its various schools and departments. It has proved valuable to call all the groups together once or twice a year to discuss the general school picture and thus to inform this block of interested citizens of the way in which school problems are being met in Arlington. Liaison Groups Established In order to carry democratic principles into general school management and also in order to keep more closely in touch SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL fo r OCTOBER, 1953 wishes to discuss with them. Second, Arlington also has a Superin tendent’s Central Committee of Teachers who discuss with the superintendent gen eral personnel problems which may arise. Members of this committee are elected by vote of the teachers themselves. Thirteen teachers represented a total staff of about 700 last year. In the field of instruction, two bodies function in Arlington to bring in as much general “know-how” as possible and also to acquaint teachers and parents with the many new things being done in Arlington schools. A Parents’ Council of Instruction meets once a month to study various phases of the curriculum and the teaching program. Members of this group include one or more parents named by the Parent-Teacher Association at each individual school, to gether with supervisors and principals who attend whenever some subject is to be brought up in which they can be helpful. All other interested persons are also in vited to attend. Extracurricular activities, family life education, the gifted child, homework, to develop instructional practices which may benefit all the schools. This organiza tion, with its alert membership reporting back to the teachers in each building, has engaged in extensive activity which has done much to improve teaching and cur riculum in Arlington. Arlington’s story of community co-opera tion in the schools would not be complete without mention of how some individual schools in the county get help from citizens in their own areas to enrich the curriculum. Tapping Hidden Resources Officials of Read School, an elementary building housing more than 700 pupils, made a community survey last year to list the resources available in that vicinity to make school subjects more colorful and interesting. They discovered parents who had lived in foreign countries, others who had traveled on business or pleasure to far corners of the world. They found camera enthusiasts with movie and still photographs which they were happy to share with the pupils. Residents who had (Concluded on page 90) 31 �F o r A ll the C h ild re n — Let’ Implement Health Instruction s Ross L. Allen,Dr. P.H.' No one dislikes the word “implement” application! We assume, for example, that more than the writer. Yet it fits the situa teachers are adequately trained in health, tion in which school administrators find when we know that it is the exceptional themselves. You are a bit “on the spot” training institution that requires more than as far as health teaching is concerned. one 2- or 3-hour course in personal health There is increasing public pressure to do in its whole curriculum. Where are the something about the provision of health elementary teachers expected to get even education in the public schools. Parents basic knowledge of healthful living. Surely, are beginning to wonder if there is any not from one course! Just how are these thing to health as one of the first objec teachers to use “teachable” moments in tives of education. These words should be health when they do not have the train familiar to you for your own national ing or even the knowledge to recognize organizations have made such statements them when they do occur? Perhaps some of policy in formulations of objectives. Are of you will say, “what concern is this of we really doing anything about health mine? The teacher-training institutions are teaching as a significant inclusion in the at fault. They should require more in school curriculum? Are we really imple health education.” But you know that these menting health in our schools? Let us look institutions will include such teaching, if frankly at the status of health teaching. you as an administrator will demand it as a qualification for employment. Why Not Check Health Attainments Again, you evaluate the progress of your teachers and students in attaining certain standard achievements in arithmetic, social studies, music, etc. Do you ever check the health attainments of students? If you did, syllabi would have to be revised, and teachers would eventually gain the atti tude that accomplishment in health status is just as important as meeting standard ized norms in the arts of communication and the like. Yes. until you make health important as a school inclusion, you can not expect teachers to place emphasis on healthful school living. Parents — the pub lic — are beginning to realize this. They want health for their children in peace, too! Using Teachable Moments In the elementary schools we expect our teachers to instruct children in whole some living. At least, on paper, we expect children to develop wholesome habits and attitudes of health, and we believe that some simple basic health information should be part of their equipment. All of us accept this; we do accept our responsi bility for the health education, in part, of our students. We expect that parents and community agencies will assume re sponsibility for their fair share of the com plete education of the child for health. How do we go about attaining this health objective? In the elementary school, we have agreed that “integration” is the pro cedure that is most effective and feasible. We expect our elementary school teachers to teach health when there are “teachable” moments — whether they occur in arith metic, social studies, or in the school cor ridor. Advantage should be taken of every situation that offers health teaching oppor tunities. In addition to integration, we rely upon a few brief units — or “direct” teach ing of health. Rarely do we give any time for these units similar to the time allotments for the traditional subjects. We depend largely upon “integration.” In theory, this is excellent procedure, but there are so many facets in its practical f t .. t . 'Professor, Health Crln n Y otad 32 . • c . owi..,. r n „ „„ Education, State Teachers College, P la y fe stiva ls allow fo r m a xim u m p a .rticipation in o u td o o r hea lth . edu. , . r . , . . cation and in M ilw aukee p ro vid e a h ttin g close to su m m er a ctivities. SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL fo r OCTOBER, 1953 �COMMUNITY AND SCHOOL (Concluded from page 31) collections of rocks or butterflies or dolls or other objects of interest to children were willing to display them at school. The specialized knowledge brought into the classrooms by these community resi dents has done much to bring warmth and color into the study of many different subjects. Interest in schools in Arlington is so general that the county Parent-Teacher Council is the largest single organization of any kind in the county. This federation of Parent-Teacher Association from all the public schools of Arlington counted an over-all local membership of approximately 18,000 men and women last year. Men are leaders in the association’s work in the county, with more than two thirds of the local P.T.A.’s being headed by fathers. BUILDING AUTHORITIES (Concluded from page 36) equalization be provided through indirect means! The states can determine the school housing needs of their respective districts and should develop programs which will make it possible for-those needs to be met. Such pro grams should be direct, open, involving action by the people, and they should provide state funds to remove part of the cost of capital outlay from local property and to provide necessary equalization among the districts. States cannot discharge their responsibility for education — which requires housing — with out positive action in this regard. in the educational world — a city that has graduated a long list of nationally and in ternationally known educators, poets, businessmen, authors, artists, and jurists from its secondary schools. SECONDARY EDUCATION PERSONAL NEWS OF SUPERINTENDENTS (Concluded from page 43) restricted academic curriculum of a hun dred years ago embracing only a few sub jects is now augmented by a variety of required and elective subjects which help our boys and girls in St. Louis to meet the challenge of a dynamic, democratic society in a changing world. The visions and faith of these early settlers are responsible for our schools today. This history of education could be recast for nearly every state and city in America. St. Louis, however, was the edu cational leader west of the Mississippi River — first in coeducational secondary schools, in free public education, in normal school or college training. St. Louis boasts in having the first public secondary school in the world for Negro youth. Its adult education and technical high schools have set a pattern throughout the nation. Under the leadership of its present super intendent of instruction, and with the full support of a board of education as keenly aware of the progress to be made in educa tion, St. Louis will continue to be a leader J a c k P a d g e t t h as been elected superintendent of the Morgan county schools a t Madison, Ga. E l m e r B. V e c e r a , of Kensington, Kans., is the new superintendent a t Jennings, Kans. V. W. M a d s e n has been elected superintendent at Lake Preston, S. Dak. W a l d o A n d e r s o n , of Ramona, suc ceeds Mr. Madsen. W i l l ia m E. L l o y d , of Richmond, Va., has been ap pointed director of special services for the American Association of School Administrators, Washington, D . C. He entered upon his new duties September IS. F. K. P o n t io u s , of Walnut, Kans., has accepted the superintendency at Galena, where he succeeds C. L. Wantland. ic H. C. L e w i s , of Nicolet, Wis., has been elected su p e r intendent of schools at West DePere, to succeed J. B. Layde, who has retired after thirty years’ service. Ar t h u r T in d a l l has been elected superintendent of the elementary school district a t Whisman, Calif. T. H . R is d a l , of Galesburg, N . Dak., has been elected superintendent of schools a t Minnewaukan. G e o r g e F a l k e n s t e i n , of Turtle Lake, N. Dak., has accepted the superintendency a t Towner, where he suc ceeds Emil F. Sather. H a r o l d Si m m o n s , of Sulphur Springs, Iowa, has ac cepted the superintendency a t Adel. D r . E. E. L e w i s , emeritus professor of education a t Ohio State University, Columbus, was honored guest a t a testimonial dinner on August 8, a t the Deshler-Hilton Hotel. In attendance were some 100 of his former graduate students, now serving in various parts of the country, as well as friends and colleagues. Dr. Lewis has been retired since 1952. R a y m o n d E. R a m s d e l i , has been elected assistant superintendent of schools a t Vernon, Conn. 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"500 Million Years In The M a k i n g N a t u r a l Slate^2s~ 90 Convert any room into a Banquet or Group A c tiv ity Room. . . Set up or clear in minutes TOPS OF MASONITE PRESDWOOD, FIR & BIRCH PLYWOOD, LINOLEUM, RESILYTE PLASTICS QUICKLY FOLDorUNFOLD for Changing Room Uses TUBULAR STEEL LEGS _ PENNSYLVANIA SLATE PRODUCERS GUILD, INC. 203 R E A L T Y B L D G . USED IN CHURCHES, SCHOOLS, HOTELS, INSTITUTIONS, CLUBS, LODGES AND INDUSTRIAL PLANTS S end fo r fo ld e r w ith c o m p le te s pe c ific a tio n s . MITCHELL MANUFACTURING COMPANY 2 7 3 2 S. 34TH STREET THE S T R O N G E S T , • H A N D IE S T MILWAUKEE 4 6 , WIS. F O L D IN G TABLE M A D E! SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL fo r OCTOBER, 1953 �gyms in one ma ke They’ll pay for themselves in use! Horn planning and equip ment give you maximum gym use—for exhibitions that pay —for efficient practice. HORN S e a ts —folded ^ mean plenty of room fo r p r a c t i c e . A smooth, safe surface protects players. Your local Horn representa tiv e helps you plan. Horn factory crews supervise in s ta lla tio n . H orn q u a l i t y construction gives years of trouble-free service. I S e a t s — ex ten d ed m e a n ^ y of room for the p aying Comfortable, easy to clean. Write today for details on Horn folding gym seats and partitions—and the new fold ing stages. HORN P a rtitio n s ^ —electrically op e r a t e d , e a s ily folded back for exhibitions, or ex tended to provide two or more prac tice gyms. 4 ifi_ n& FOR SAFETY, plan w ith ^ H O R N ! Horn folding gym seats provide a smooth, sloping surface when fold ed . . . real protection for th e vital zone! SCHOOL EQUIPMENT DIVISION OF THE BRUNSWICK-BALKE-COLLENDER CO M PAN Y 623 SOUTH WABASH AVE., CHICAGO 5, ILLINOIS SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL fo r OCTOBER, 1953 89 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource We Bring Community into the Schools, T. Edward Rutter, School Board Journal, October, 1953 Description An account of the resource Article discussing Arlington's inclusion of citizens' advisory committees. 6 pages, article appears on first, third, and fifth pages. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Educational Leadership 1953-10 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_46 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/500920307821267bca902077b6e10bf2.pdf 13da8cbc4274fc3d3ed9464f45c6c3b8 PDF Text Text Reprinted from E d u c a tio n a l L ead ersh ip , VoI. X I, N o. 1 An A ppeal for Common Sense AGNES E. MEYER Are current unjustified attacks on schools a modern outbreak of “vigilantism”? A keen observer of the American social scene ana lyzes these attacks and suggests positive means of meeting them. T T IS a great relief these days to get away from the tensions of the na tion’s capital and to look at our many problems from the sane vantage point of life in a local community. It is espe cially heartening to discuss some of these problems in a county which is justly famous throughout the land as an independent, courageous commu nity singularly competent to turn its ideals into a working reality. I am grateful to the American Association of University Women for inviting me and giving me this opportunity to recall the lasting contributions that have been made to the preservation of some of our noblest traditions. I am all the happier to do this be cause the shrill voices which have been getting the headlines of late have dis turbed the even tenor of our ways and tempted us to answer the violent people with equal violence. Yet the natural fears and conflicts of an endangered so ciety can only be assuaged by the appli cation of self-control, intelligence and native American common sense which characterize the highly literate popula tion of Arlington and Americans as a whole. This American common sense is derived from the daily necessity of solving dilemmas, annoyances and de feats; it teaches us to accept difficulties without too much fear or anxiety. If we are more than usually disturbed to day, it is because in the past we have Ed u c a t io n a l Le a d e r s h ip �taken our heritage of freedom too much for granted. It seemed safely enshrined not only in our daily lives but in the Bill of Rights. Now we have suddenly awakened to the fact that freedom must be recaptured by every generation and that it will endure only as long as we stand ready to defend it at any cost, however high. Thus the cooperative endeavors you have made here toward social progress are of especial impor tance today. For the freedoms we all cherish will be lost or preserved not in Washington or in our state govern ments, but in the local communities where people live and strive, succeed or fail, as the case may be. But though very definite threats to the freedoms we have always taken for granted do exist today, let us not exag gerate the danger. We tend to forget momentarily the great progress toward the extension of human freedom we have made during the past generation in ways almost too numerous to men tion. We have underpinned old age, the destitute, and needy families with social security; improvements in the fields of health and education have been amazing; and the Negro with whose disadvantages Europe is always re proaching us has possibly made greater progress toward equal rights than ever before in our history. If we remember the vitality our democracy has shown under the stress of wars both hot and cold, it will strengthen our faith in ourselves and help us to see the real dangers that confront our society not so much as a menace but as another challenge which must be met with the same fortitude and the same calm and constructive attitude. We must trust ourselves and each other as never before O ctober 1953 Agnes E. Meyer, noted journalist and au thor, i widely recognized for her staunch s support of public education and of freedom to teach and to learn. This article i s adapted from an address delivered by Mrs. Meyer in April 1953 before a branch of the American Association of University W o m e n in Arlington, Virginia. Mrs. Meyer i also author of O u t o f T h ese R oots: T h e s A uto b io g rap h y o f a n A m erican W om an, which i to be published in mid-October s by the Atlantic-Little, Brozvn Publishing Companies. and thus strengthen the faith of the country as a whole in its principles, its hopes and beliefs. We must speak our minds fearlessly, for in so doing we dis cover that there are in ourselves and others human resources upon which we have never yet drawn. Nothing is more contagious, more inspiring than courage. C o n s p ira c y A g a in s t S c h o o ls At the same time I do not wish to minimize the real dangers to our de mocracy. And I shall select one of these for discussion which interests you and me most, the sinister attacks upon our public school system. For I think it is a clearly established fact that there has developed throughout our country in recent years— from Scarsdale, New York to Pasadena, California— nation a wide, more or less organized conspiracy to undermine the faith of the Ameri can people in our public school system. When I use the word conspiracy I mean a planned, concerted effort on the part of various individuals and organiza tions, the source of whose ample funds is unknown, to attack public education with identical, monotonously repeated accusations that have just enough truth to make their falsehood seem plausible. These enemies of our schools have ob29 viously borrowed the tactics of the communists and fascists who maintain that if only a lie is repeated often enough with sufficient impudence, many people will finally believe it. It should not surprise us that sub versive elements who wish to hurt de mocracy should single out our unique public school system as their deadliest enemy. For public education is the heart-beat of our nation that daily re news and purifies the blood stream of the democratic body politic. It has helped to make our nation great, toler ant and hopeful, because it has released human talents and capacities in our country to a greater extent than has happened anywhere else in the whole course of human history. Thus if our public education is successfully weak ened or destroyed, so is democracy it self. That there may be a few master minds behind this campaign is indi cated, as I have said, by the constant repetition of the same propaganda using almost identical arguments, lan guage and slogans, distributed often in vicious literature originating from a single source: 1. The schools do not teach the 3 R’s. 2. The teachers and the textbooks are communistic or at best socialistic. 3. Progressive education breeds un disciplined children if not delinquents and criminals. 4. The schools are godless. That is the whole gamut of these ac cusations. They have been answered again and again with irrefutable proof to the contrary. But the answers are ignored. For the type of mentality with which we are dealing in this battle 30 to defend democratic institutions is impervious to reasonable persuasion and moral principles. One of the most regrettable results of these unjust criticisms is that the friends of the public school system have been jockeyed into a defensive position. They scarcely dare to make constructive criticisms themselves, lest they give aid and comfort to the enemy. Thereupon the enemies shout: “Oh, so you think the public schools are perfect!” Thus do the falsehoods multiply one upon the other, and time and energies that should be used to improve our public schools are wasted because the honest critics of our educational system are forced into a state of siege mentality. To be sure, our colleges and univer sities have also recently come under attack from members of Congress. But these Congressional persecutions of our educators would never have taken place, if the witch hunts on the local level had not been so successful in sow ing mutual distrust and thereby de stroying peace and orderly progress. In other words we would not now have a few dangerous Hitlers in Congress if it were not for the fact that we have a flock of little Hitlers in almost every locality. The situation reminds me of a little-known Calvin Coolidge story. A man complained to President Coolidge that a certain Senator was a scoundrel. “Well,” replied Coolidge calmly, “there are a lot of scoundrels in the country and they are entitled to some represen tation.” Thus the whole crux of our strategy to protect the educational system is to meet the attacks in our local communties. The Congressional Hitlers must be criticized, opposed and ridiculed, Ed u c a t io n a l Lea d e r s h ip �since ridicule is one of the strongest weapons. How can we remain silent while these members of the Senate and House maltreat honest American citi zens, disrupt the work of Congress, and challenge the executive powers of the Administration? And no less serious, why should we allow these anti-democratic members of Congress to defame our country and ruin the prestige of our nation in every foreign land? “How long will America stand for this?” asks the British journalist Francis Williams in the Nexus Chronicle. He says of our Congressional lunatic-fringe: “The moral attitudes they depend upon and exploit matter not only to America but to the whole free world. And those of us who hold as our strongest article of international faith the need for the closest bonds of fidelity between Brit ain, the Commonwealth and the United States have an obligation to tell our friends in America just how much dam age those attitudes are doing to the cause of freedom everywhere.” M o d e rn V ig ila n tis m n o t N eed ed I mention these national and inter national repercussions merely to point out the full seriousness of the situation we face. But I come back to my theme by stating as my belief that the few destructive members of Congress are not going to change their evil tactics until they hear from the grass roots. Not even the leaders of the new Ad ministration will be able to cope with them successfully, for no truly demo cratic statesman can afford to resort to punitive action. Yet force is the only thing the authoritarian mentality respects. Only the voters who elected these incipient dictators can use power O ctober 1953 — democratic power of the ballot— the to bring them to their senses and per suade them to renounce their present tactics. To oppose these irrational individ uals successfully on a local basis, we must understand their psychology, for we are contending with deep psycho pathic factors. They are mostly people who because of their own emotional difficulties have never been able to re late themselves to the community and are now revenging themselves upon a society which they feel has rejected them. They are people filled with hatred because they feel insecure, lonely and slighted, and they satisfy this hatred by the systematic destruction of situations and confidence and mutual trust in order to benefit by the general confusion to acquire power for them selves. These Americans who see them selves as the insulted and injured are not of any particular economic or social level. There are among them some of our rootless intellectuals, many of whom formerly found refuge in “Amer ica First,” and now feel more adrift than ever since the majority of Ameri cans have learned that our nation must defend human freedom not only here at home but throughout the world. The only satisfaction of these dis gruntled elements is in destruction of the community solidarity of which they cannot make themselves a part. They are incapable of loyalty to any group— not even to the political party which elects them to office. And their anti communism is nothing but a screen for their hatred of the sound, honest, stable members of society. Therefore, the conservatives make a deadly mistake when they think that these people are 31 a bulwark against communism. The German industrialists made the same miscalculation concerning Hitler. The real hatred of our professional anti communists is precisely for the con servatives themselves whom they envy their respectability and the fact that society looks up to them. That is why they attack such patriotic, honorable and successful men as General Mar shall, Secretary Dulles, Senator Knowland, Charles Bohlen, Bishop Oxnam and others on the Federal level and, on the local level, that emblem of all that is sound and good and essentially con servative, the public schools. It is a desperate contest the nation faces in coping with these elements, for either they must break down through self-defeat, or they will break down everybody else. They are “dead-end kids” with whom every social worker and teacher is familiar, adolescents who are getting square with a world which they feel has never been fair to them. That is also why they use the childish device of name-calling whenever they are criticized. In dealing with these maladjusted members of our society, we are baffled and handicapped by a bad conscience. For they are the result of the weak nesses in our society, of its extreme com petitiveness, of its intense striving for social and economic status, and of its total neglect in the past of children who could not stand these pressures. Our worship of success creates bitterness in the unsuccessful. And these embittered monstrosities, without faith in love and kindliness, without respect for human beings or for any of the values that we cherish, these men who seek success whatever the cost, are a reproach to us 32 because they are the prototypes of our American vices. Furthermore, even the legitimate de mands of democracy are a strain upon the weak, for it calls for self-discipline, and the sacrifice of the will to power for the common good and for the estab lishment of a high group civilization. Thus it is not surprising that in times of danger that call for even greater sacrifices, many self-centered individ uals seek to destroy a society that de mands too much of them. Therefore it is a mistake to charac terize these elements as types of Ameri can fascism. They are a modern ver sion of vigilantism, a role that had dignity in our frontier days because the early vigilantes were filling a real need before law and order had been established. But they have no place and no legitimate function in our pres ent society. What these modern vigi lantes want is to establish their own law and domination for the law and the cooperative behavior of an orderly de mocracy. A n O u ts ta n d in g S c h o o l S y stem Thus we only make martyrs of these psychopathic characters if we gang up on them as disturbers of the peace. The role of the martyr would only be used as another asset and as justification of all that they are doing. We only hurt ourselves and our objectives if we sup press these anti-democratic forces with hostile methods. The most useful les son we can give these vigilantes whether in Congress or in the local communi ties is that true Americans refuse to use coercive power in the war of ideas. The best weapon we have lies in strengthen ing community solidarity through imEd u c a t io n a l Lea d er s h ip �provement of our school-community re lationships which keep open the free communication between all citizens and prevent exactly what the vigilantes want, the fragmentation of our society. That is also the reason why the com munists take great delight in the activi ties of the vigilantes. For the more they confuse us with attacks on the schools and the more we allow our selves to be driven into a merely defen sive attitude, the better the commu nists can fish in these troubled waters. You can readily see from this analysis of the vigilante mentality, why it was a delight to me to get reacquainted with the steady progress toward closer schoolcommunity cooperation that has been made in Arlington. It has been said of Americans that we lack philosophic .and political theories which can be used as a battle cry against the totali tarian ideologists. But this assuredly does not apply to the field of education. It has been accepted in all of our school systems that democracy, as we know it, is the highest form of government be cause it seeks t<^ devejop the latent potentialities of all of its citizens. We do not regard democracy as just another form of government, but as a continu ally expanding method of living to gether. Thus our educational system is an institution which has grown out of the historical soil in which it was rooted and has become indistinguish able from democracy itself. This philosophy of our democratic schools is implemented differently by different educators since they them selves necessarily vary in intelligence, imagination and administrative skill. But I can say without exaggeration that the Arlington school system, given the O ctober 1953 handicaps with which it began six years ago, is one of the finest examples in the country of the application of our Amer ican princples of education. And it has made this astounding progress in so short a time because the citizens of Arlington, the Board of Education they elected, the school administrators and the teachers have all pulled their weight in the boat and have done it in unison. Increasing mutual confidence among all of these elements was an important factor in the actual accomplishments. To an observer like myself it seems that the superior quality of the Arling ton Board of Education has been of value far beyond anything the county as a whole as yet realizes. I have a fairly large acquaintance with such boards and I know of none that ex ceeds this one in the technical educa tion, the varied professions represented and the experiences in administration that are to be found among the five members of the Arlington School Board. The devotion which the Board has shown to its onerous duties and the respect which it has earned have never been more important to the schools than at present when almost all of them, sooner or later, are confronted with criticism and attacks. Equally important in the rapid prog ress of what used to be a neglected ed ucational system was the appointment of first-rate school administrators and supervisors who improved the whole situation by able leadership. Together with the specialists and assistant teach ers who were selected with great care, this battery of experts have pulled to gether a school program which was for merly limited to the 3 R's until it has developed into a curriculum that is 33 comparable to the highest standards. Furthermore, the system became one of even quality, a matter of greater justice to all the children of a county whose schools used to vary from good to bad. Of especial value has been the pro gram of in-service training which I at tended some weeks ago, where small and large groups of teachers were en thusiastic about this opportunity to grow in their profession under expert guidance. It was an education for me to see the various groups and their lead ers arrive at new ideas in vocational guidance, music, mathematics, physical education and other branches of the rich curriculum. It was like a poem— an American poem of mutual confi dence, mutual respect and the resultant harmony of fine minds working together toward common goals. The (low of ideas back and forth, the discussions that took place at these workshops con stitute a truly democratic school system in which the learning process is con tinuous for the pupils, their teachers and administrators. No wonder the morale of the teachers has been trans formed since last I made a study of these schools, and morale of the teaching staff is as important today as adequate sal aries for holding teachers and for re cruiting new ones. Every human being is attracted to an organization where his work is appreciated and where he has the opportunity to rise in his pro fession through increasing competence. Nothing could be a greater asset at this period of acute teacher shortage. C itize n P a r tic ip a tio n Is E s s e n tia l To be sure, it has taken an increased budget to provide this expert leader ship and the workshops, but it was on 34 the whole the most economical way of achieving quickly an excellent and varied curriculum, taught by people who are daily achieving greater pro fessional skill. These remarkable innovations have aroused interest and favorable comment far beyond the reaches of Arlington County in various professional publica tions. But in these comments there has never been sufficient appreciation of the fact that the Board of Education and the school authorities were success ful in these experiments because they took the parents and the general public with them every step of the way. And if I were to single out only one feature of the Arlington schools for commenda tion it would be the broad area of citi zen participation that they have been able to achieve through numerous com mittees, councils and advisory groups who have assisted in the formulation of the curriculum, in the selection of textbooks and in other contributions to individual schools. For the local P.T.A.’s the usual speeches which have no relationship to immediate school problems have become obsolete. Fath ers as well as mothers attend the meet ings to discuss educational issues and to study the problems constantly aris ing in a dynamic school program. It has become a generally accepted theory throughout our country that we should have community-centered schools, but seldom have I encountered that demo cratic ideal so thoroughly implemented as it is in Arlington. And the results have been all the more constructive be cause this county is fortunate in having among its citizens probably a higher percentage of skilled, professional tal ents than most other counties. Ed u c a t io n a l Lea d er s h ip �For example, the whole battle con cerning “progressive education” was headed off by the active cooperation on curriculum and textbooks of a unique organization called “The Parents Coun cil on Instruction.” When parents meet regularly to discuss with the as sociate superintendent what kind of education they want for their children, what philosophy the school should fol low, and what textbooks should be used, the whole community feels in volved in its school program and is ready to defend it, however progressive or modern, against the criticisms of people who yearn for “the good old. days” and the little school house which unfortunately was red. The ironical thing is that these people who see the present educational methods as hope lessly unregenerate are by no means a good advertisement for the old-fash ioned kind of education they now idealize. But Arlington County is to be congratulated for the way in which it has taken most of them tactfully into camp and gone serenely on its way. The parents and citizens who have achieved this truly democratic victory have given a useful lesson in political action of the wisest kind to many less alert commu nities. They also learned that demo cratic action is far more effective than that of the rival ideologies of the left O ctober 1953 or right with which it has to contend. These schools have been transformed into a second home for children be cause both work and play have been shared by the parents, themselves, and by that larger family, the community as a whole. The learning process has a serious content and meaning because it is replete with life, with the real life of the county, the nation and the world. In such a happy setting the child re tains the courage to be himself as he feels his abilities expanding. And he rejoices the more in his own progress because it is shared by his classmates and his family. We talk often of the American way of life as if it were something finished and perfected. It is a way because it beckons us onward to ever greater heights of achievement. And the way that each local community finds of triumphing over the wave of reaction with which it is now afflicted will de cide what the world thinks of us. This is another era when we should say of ourselves what Emerson said of the American people over a hundred years ago: "We are not minors and invalids in a protected corner, not cowards fleeing before a revolution, but guides, redeemers, and benefactors, obeying the Almighty effort and advancing on Chaos and the Dark.” 35 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Appeal for Common Sense, Agnes E. Meyer, Reprinted from Educational Leadership, Volume 11, Number 1 Description An account of the resource Article calling for a "calm and constructive attitude" in facing attacks against social progress. 5 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Educational Leadership No date Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_45 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/c18df260ec31c744f2c6e177d6750fa6.pdf b9c058c420f7a391d7b72b84e9f4e046 PDF Text Text AN ARTHUR C. CROFT PUBLICATION Balancing The Demands On The Superintendency v* T h e d e m a n d s on the superintendency from the community, the school staff, the profession. t 0* Distinguishing between the superintendent-as-official a nd the superintendent-as-person. v0 T h e need for shifting smoothly social systems. u0 Written b y Willard B. Spalding, O r e g o n State System of Higher E d ucation, Portland, Oregon. among various official a n d informal Maintaining equilibrium a m o n g the d e m a n d i n g roles of the superintendent. the sixth sense W HATsense superintendent needs isa asense would —a of equilibrium. Such seem to be a necessity if he is to balance the many roles, functions and responsibilities of his job. But to begin finding that equilibrium it is necessary to take a closer look at the demands made on the su perintendency. And it is necessary to examine the many “worlds” in which the superintendent works and lives. The superintendent of schools is a part of several different social systems. He is a member of the community. He is part of the staff of the schools. He is a member of professional organizations. He is a member of a service club, a church, perhaps a golf or country club, and certainly of many informal groups. He is in a body of friends who visit back and forth. He, like all other members, has a position in the structure of each group with which he is affiliated. Some of his behavior is determined by his role in each group. But, in almost every group, he is still the superintendent of schools. His behavior is also influenced greatly by the group’s perception of the superintendency. D e m a n d s o f th e C o m m u n ity The community expects the superintendent of schools to join civic organizations; a church; and a social or recreational club, such as a golf club. He is expected to be a member of the governing boards or advisory boards of charitable and social service agencies. He is expected to hold similar posts on committees sponsoring civic festivals, symphony con certs, opera, drama, art museums, and other aesthetic activities. He is expected to work closely with, and occasionally to join, the chamber of commerce, an association of manufacturers or the community’s boost er’s club. Membership in these organizations, or on their governing boards, is largely confined to the upper- middle and lower-upper social classes. Most of the values which distinguish these classes must be ac cepted if persons are to continue in these various or ganizations. These values extend from the externals of dress and deportment to the most important be haviors. The superintendent is expected to join these groups. Once he is a member he is enmeshed in the web of their values. Whatever his own personal values may be, he is frequently the captive of the up per-middle class. His position in the social life of the community carries with it the behaviors which this class values. The superintendent also occupies a position within the prestige-power-communication system of the com munity. His opinions sometimes carry weight beyond their intrinsic merit because of the prestige of his office, even when these opinions are removed from his fields of professional competence. He can influence community action more than most persons because communities tend to follow suggestions from persons with power. As he attends meetings of organiza tions, plays golf or bridge, or relaxes in the home of a friend ne nears much about the schools, the other power figures in the community, and plans and pro posals for community action. Some of this informa tion is passed on in order to influence him. Some of it is gossip, the basic element of much that passes for conversation in the community. The forces which im pinge upon the position of superintendent, like those which impinge upon most other positions of influence in the community, may well lead him to believe that his understanding of community affairs is closer to reality than the understanding of others. Many of his actions and decisions will be influenced by this belief. D e m a n d s o f th e S ch o o l S ta ff In addition to the official administrative structure, there are three social “systems” among school staff. The first two, usually made up of nonacademic Copyright 1954, Arthur C. Croft Publications. The Educational Trend is published monthly. General Offices: 100 Garfield Avenue, New London, Conn. Reproduction in whole or in part, without permission of the Publisher, Is forbidden. Printed in U. S. A. Issue No. 154 �e d u c a t i o n a l t r e n d staff members, are the custodial maintenance group and the clerical group. The third is made up of the academic employees, with some tendency to split into a social system of administrators and another of teachers. There is frequently overlapping of social group membership among school staff, as individuals identify themselves with more than one of them. Some characteristics are common to all of these systems, and these the superintendent should un derstand thoroughly. Each has an official hierarchy which has been established by the board of education, often upon recommendation of the superintendent. Each, too, has a natural hierarchy, established by the system itself. The superintendent of schools has a social role within each of these hierarchies. He is the chief ad ministrative officer of the schools and, as such, is the head of the official structure of authority. In this role he has the top status position in all social systems within the school staff. But, as a person, he must find his own place in each system. He cannot become part of the informal custodial group, for example, un less the custodians wish this to happen. If member ship in this group is important to him, he is, at one and the same time, the official leader of the custodians and an applicant for admission to their informal group. If he fails to perceive this, if he uses the power of his official position to force acceptance of him as a person, or if he confuses the official hierarchy with the natural structure of the group, he will find that his relations with his staff become needlessly compli cated and may deteriorate. This applies to relations with teachers, adminis trators, and secretaries as well as to custodians. The superintendent who uses his official power to force social acceptance does so at his peril. And even when he gains social acceptance through the means used customarily by others he is in a difficult situation. Many in the group will see him as a power figure. Some will defer to him unduly, seeking to curry favor. Some will pass information to him, hoping to influence his action. Some will endeavor to use him to their own advantage, or that of their friends and relatives. How can the superintendent solve the problems aris ing from dual membership and dual roles in the school social systems? Some superintendents endeav or to remain outside the informal social structure of the staff. When this is done, the superintendent is involved in a single set of relations, those with the official hierarchy. Such isolation is never completely achievable. As you have observed many times, work ing with people eventually leads to friendships with some of them, and so to social relations. In addition, staff members may invite the superintendent to din ners, bridge games, golf, square dances, or some other activity. If he refuses these invitations, he is a boor; if he accepts them, he becomes entangled in the web of the informal social system. In the long run, the attempt of the superintendent to remain wholly out side this system will probably fail. But he can re main mostly outside of it. When he does this, he has a relatively unimportant place within it. 2 Other superintendents take a completely opposite approach to this problem. They try to become wholly accepted by the informal system. They give staff pic nics, staff parties and staff suppers. Some of this is done because of a belief that people work better when they know each other. More of the activity comes because these superintendents wish to be fully accepted as persons. A third way of handling the problem is by attempt ing to make the official structure the same as the in formal one. You have seen this happen through the selection of persons for administrative posts because of their demonstrated leadership of their professional peers. Occasionally this procedure is successful, but more frequently it is not. People who are appointed to positions of power are perceived differently when they are in them than when in previous positions of natural leadership, since the source of their power is now outside the group. This may be an excellent way to select administrators, but it probably has little to offer as a usable device for making the official coincide with the informal structure. At times, the pressure for coincidence is exerted in the opposite direction. The superintendent seeks to make the informal structure the same as the official one. This means that he expects to be the natural leader of the group, and that the subordinate leaders will also be those in administrative positions. So far as is known, this has never been successful, al though it has been tried. Each social system within the staff of each dis trict expects the superintendent to act as an employer, an evaluator, a rater of professional competence, a firer of the incompetent or unduly troublesome, an interpreter of the staff to the board, a pleader for better salaries, a dispenser of justice, a supporter of the teacher against the recalcitrant pupil, and a defender of the subordinate. Doubtless there are other acts which careful study would discover as signed to the role of superintendent by the staffs of particular school districts. One additional aspect of staff relations should be mentioned. Many superintendents find that their relationships with nonacademic employees tend to become like those of the efficient boss of a business. The product manager of a large physical plant is a common figure in industry or commerce. Such men are often prestige-and-power figures within the com munity. Some superintendents enjoy being classified with these men. Often many members of the nonacademic staff have had previous experience in busi ness; they have learned ways of relating to the boss. They have learned what to expect of bosses. They create strong pressures on the superintendent, forc ing him toward the stereotype of the good business leader. It may well be that some superintendents feel more at home in managing the plant than in developing educational programs. We have all met the individual who likes to talk of his managerial efficiency and who seems to avoid other professional shoptalk. But he is clearly in the minority today. The superintendent is caught in the pattern of hu man relationships which makes the staff of the schools �EDUCATIONAL a social system. He is also caught in the officiallyadopted system of relations, the chart of organization. He must be adept in adaptation if he is to fit well in to both sets of relations. Most successful administra tors seem to have learned how to do this. We would know much more about the process of administration if some of them would take time to analyze their be havior and tell us how they actually operate within the staff of the schools. D e m a n d s o f th e P ro fe s s io n The organization of the teaching profession of the United States follows a wonderfully complicated pat tern. I have occasionally attempted, but never with success, to explain the multitude of professional or ganizations to an educator from another country. By the time I had completed describing the vast National Education Association with its departments and af filiates, my listener was hopelessly confused. When I began on the various subject-matter groups, like the National Council of Teachers of English, he be came bewildered. When I moved on to the smaller groups such as the Association for Childhood Edu cation or the American Education Fellowship he threw up his hands in despair. And I had not yet touched upon regional organizations, state associa tions, county associations, and local associations. The superintendent of schools is assigned roles in many of these groups. His relationships with fellow administrators is of ten closest in some small group such as the Metropoli tan School Study Council, the Chicago Study Group, or similar groups which have sprung up within every state. These are nominally peer groups, yet, as in every human group, there is an internal hierarchy based upon size of job, age, length of experience, salary, length of time in the group, professional rep utation and similar characteristics. Most of these groups study important educational problems and con tribute to the advancement of the profession. But each such group affords its members needed oppor tunities for boasting, whistling in the dark, swapping experiences and licking the common wounds caused by school boards, attacks upon the schools, or tax payer groups. Most superintendents are also members of a state association of school administrators and of the Amer ican Association of School Administrators. Each of these organizations has a formal structure. Each al so has its pattern of human relations which makes it a social system. The superintendent fits into both of these. If he is ambitious to hold office he seeks to establish contact with those members who are re puted to wield influence. If he has held office, he may assume the role of elder statesman. If he is un successful in his search for office h e may, as a by product of his campaigning, become the leader of an informal group within the organization; or he may be come an isolate; or he may become known as a good working member. If he has no ambitions for office, he may fill any of the roles of group membership. Organizations of administrators are essential to the continued study and improvement of the administra TREND tive process. A considerable body of evidence could be assembled to support the thesis that the successful school administrator, with but little adaptation, could become equally successful in leading enterprises of a totally different character, and vice versa. But the forces supporting the professionalization of teaching are too strong to exempt the titular leaders of the pro fession from membership in some inclusive associa tion. Such membership leads to inextricable entangle ment of superintendents in a reciprocal system of professional obligations, duties, and expectations. Here the superintendent must act like a member of the teaching profession concerned about facilitating learn ing. He must see himself as carrying on the social functions which have been assigned to that pro fession. He is expected to work for the goals of the profession even when these goals are not wholly acceptable to the board and community. Superintendents, like other members of the teach ing profession, have individual bents and interests. These lead some of them to retain active interest in a subject-matter association which they originally joined while in the classroom. Others join groups like the Association for Childhood Education in order to learn more about child growth and development, or like the American Education Fellowship in order to keep in touch with progressive education Within each of these groups the superintendent is given certain roles just because he is a superintendent. He is ex pected to behave in these ways. He is generally perceived as the practical man, the one who applies the test of reality to plausible theory, the one who is concerned about cost, public reaction, feasibility, and similar items. All of us know many superintendents who do not fit this role. Yet it may well be that they are forced into it in many professional groups. It is in professional organizations that the super intendent is in most frequent contact with the profes sor of education. This relationship is not always an easy one. Many professors are too little aware of the complexity and difficulty of administration. They tend to look upon it as a necessary evil which must be borne rather than as an essential part of a social in stitution. Many superintendents regard professors as impractical theorists who have never faced a split board of education or an organized pressure group, who are safely verbal, never being called upon to risk their jobs through professional action. On the whole, however, the relationships between professors and superintendents provide fruitful opportunity for the refinement of ideas. H e M e e ts T h e se D e m a n d s In the 1953 Inglis Lecture, I pointed out that the functions of the superintendency may be summed up as follows: The superintendent is a delegate of the community and responsible to it. He uses some of his skills to help the community decide what it wants him to do and what it wants the school to do. He recognizes that the aims and purposes of the school are set by political action. He seeks to get the community to 3 �EDUCATIONAL TREND consider and act so that its desired aims will be clearly understood by everyone. He seeks a stable decision based on considerable agreement. The superintendent is a channel of communication between community and school. He makes sure that the ideas and values of one interact with the ideas and values of the other. As the community considers the purposes of the school, he encourages the school to consider the possibility of achieving these purposes. As the school plans its programs he brings to it the purposes set for it by the community and makes sure that all are included as goals. In this role he makes sure that the expertness of the teacher is used re sponsibly to achieve the ends desired by the people who support the school. The superintendent is the forefigure of profes sional opinion. He expresses the ideas of the staff to the public. He interprets professional action and thought to laymen. The superintendent is an educator of the staff of the schools. In this role he organizes so-called inservice training programs which are frequently taught by others. But he does much more than this. He pro vides professional publications, arranges conferences and forums, calls attention to the results of experi ments and research, and gives advice. The superintendent is a manager. Public funds must be spent prudently and accounted for accurately. Inventories are expected to be up to date. Buildings and equipment must be maintained in good repair. Schedules of classes are needed. The tasks of man agement appear to be routine only when they are per formed skillfully. The superintendent is an employer. He interviews prospective teachers and selects those whom he will recommend for employment. He observes teachers at work. He helps them improve their performance. He dismisses those whose performance does not meet his standards. His roles call for other functions such as securing better pay and working conditions, synthesizing op posing ideas, protecting the common good in edu cation, developing morale through teamwork, im proving educational programs. Probably more care ful study would reveal still further functions. Some functions are called for by some roles and not by others. No single function is required by all roles. T h e S e a r c h f o r E q u ilib r iu m A friend of mine who administered personality tests to candidates for the Ph.D at a major institution once remarked, somewhat facetiously but with much truth, “Superintendents have more anxiety than any people whom I have tested outside of mental institutions.” It is possible to assume that some of this anxiety arises out of what seem to be unresolved conflicts among the many roles of the superintendent and among the functions which are required by these roles. If this is true, resolution of these apparent conflicts would do much to ease the situation. It is impossible to deal adequately with such an important problem short of a many-paged monograph. But the direction in which a solution may be found can be indicated. One basis for resolving these conflicts was pro vided many years ago by Mary Parker Follett in her concept of integration. She held that most con flicts arose because of failure to seek for an answer which would encompass both points of view. While she developed the idea out of observing disputes between management and labor, we can use it in an other area. It may well be that some of the appar ent conflict could be eliminated by re-examination of the functions and roles in order to discover other be haviors which could encompass and integrate some of them. I believe that the emerging concepts of equilibrium hold great promise for the solution of this problem. These theories involve notions of the maintenance of zones of compatibility or harmony between evidently contradictory points of view. That there is a degree of incompatibility among the superintendent’s roles and functions is certainly true. But all are essential, all must be performed by the same person. In some manner they must be kept in equilibrium. The unifying element in the superintendent’s many functions, the means of relating them, I find in the systems of government and human relations which is the United States of America —a social system in moving equilibrium. Its boundaries are not clearly defined. Because it is progressing, old limits often disappear. It is a dynamic system. Principles of operation which fit a static system will not apply here. The main responsibilities of the superintendent of schools are to impart these qualities to a school system and to preserve them for it. If a school system becomes mechanistically struc tured, he should help it become dynamic. If a school system becomes static, he should help it move. If a school system loses equilibrium, he should help it regain balance. In short, whenever and wherever the school system does not fit the system of govern ment and human relations which is the United States of America, then there is a job for the superintendent of schools to perform. The profession can be proud of its accomplishments. But it must maintain a dynamic, moving equilibrium. It must remain amorphous. It must not have fixed boundaries. A theory of dynamic administration does not arise quickly. Discovering its basic premises will not be easy. But much has been done. The future augurs well. Good theory arises because wise superintend ents do what seems to be right and sensible at the time. If a researcher observes and analyzes, he con tributes to the growing body of theory. But he would have nothing to observe if the practitioner had not acted. So progress within the profession, even progress in the development of administrative theory, rests where it has always rested, on the shoulders of the men and women who are superintendents of schools. They will continue to bear that burden with a nice sense of what is just and true. Subscription rate $3.00 per year. Additional copies of this Trend, Issue No. 154, are available at 25<* each, or in quantities at the following discounts: 51 to 250 copies 10%; 251 to 500 copies 15%; 501 to 1000 copies 20%; 1001 or more copies 25% (plus postage). Send oraer to the Business Offices: ARTHUR C. CROFT PUBLICATIONS, 100 Garfield Avenue, New London, Connecticut. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Educational Trend, Balancing the Demands on the Superintendency, Issue Number 154 Description An account of the resource Pamphlet advising superintendents on how to balance the demands of the community, school staff, and profession. 4 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Arthur C. Croft Publications No date Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_44 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/12f7263e3504a26e64d1fb86c0eddbb5.pdf d3635a6087fbd021fe4f7841f6118bc1 PDF Text Text LEGAL STATUS OF SEGREGATED SCHOOLS P a rt I o f a S tudy on the Status o f the Education o f Negroes Joint Committee of the National Education Association and the American Teachers Association �JO IN T C O M M ITTEE O F TH E NATIONAL ED U CA TIO N ASSOCIATION AND T H E AM ERICAN TEACHERS ASSOCIATION 1952-53 Representing ATA Representing NEA A. C . C ap p s School of Education University of Missouri Columbia, Missouri “A m b ro s e C a l i v e r Assistant to the Commissioner U. S. Office of Education Washington, D. C. “ M a r io n W . F o x C. H a t c h State Department of Education Montgomery, Alabama R o b e rt 121 North Hartford Avenue Atlantic City, New Jersey C. N e w b o ld Retired State Agent for Negro Schools Raleigh, North Carolina N. °J. R u p e r t PiconExecutive Secretary Virginia Teachers Association Richmond, Virginia Pa ul LEGAL STATUS OF SEGREGATED SCHOOLS “W a l t e r N. R id le y Virginia State College Petersburg, Virginia Part I of a study of the status of the education of Negroes sponsored by the Joint Committee of the National Education Association and the Amer ican Teachers Association “H. C o u n c i l l T r e n h o l m , President Alabama State College Montgomery, Alabama M a ry L. W illia m s R a n k in Garnet High School Charleston, West Virginia— Chairman Assistant Superintendent of Schools Detroit, Michigan 1953-54 Representing NEA A. C . C apps School of Education Columbia, Missouri S a ra h L. L e ite r 4719 Homer Avffliue Suitland, Maryland C. N e w b o ld Retired State Agent for Negro Schools Raleigh, North Carolina N. “ J. R u p e r t P i c o t t Executive Secretary Virginia Teachers Association Richmond, Virginia Pa ul Ra n k in Assistant Superintendent of Schools Detroit, Michigan Representing ATA “A m b ro s e C a l i v e r Assistant to the Commissioner U. S. Office of Education Washington, D. C. C. H a t c h State Department of Education Montgomery, Alabama R o b ert “ W a l t e r N . R id le y Virginia State College Petersburg, Virginia “II. C o u n c i l l T r e n h o l m , President Alabama State College Montgomery, Alabama M a ry L . W illia m s Garnet High School Charleston, West Virginia— Chairman NEA Headquarters Contact “R. B. M a r s t o n , Director, NEA Membership Division “Subcommittee appointed to work with the NEA Research Division on the studies (Part I and Part II). [2] National Education Association 1201 Sixteenth Street, N. W. W ashington 6, D. C. American Teachers Association P. O. Box 271 M ontgomery, Alabama January 1954 [3] �The Fourteenth Amendment and Its Meaning The question now placed before the Supreme Court of the United States is whether or not the Four teenth Amendment to the Consti tution of the United States is violated by the states which edu cate Negro children in schools separate from white children. This problem has been passed over lightly in previous cases decided by state supreme courts and lower federal courts; it has never before been presented to the Supreme Court of the United States. Be cause the Fourteenth Amendment has entered into the historical back ground of segregated schools, how ever superficially, and is now the main issue, it will be discussed be fore the history of segregation in the public schools is described. T h e Fourteenth Amendment contains five sections. Section 1 reads: All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the juris diction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privi leges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State de prive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Section 2 defines the apportion ment of representatives to Congress among the several states and Sec tion 3 prohibits officeholding bv persons who, after taking an oath to support the Constitution, subse quently engage in insurrection or give aid to the enemy, except that this restriction may be overridden by a two-thirds vote of each House of Congress. Section 4 has to do with Civil War debts. Section 5 empowers Congress to enforce the Amendment. Much of the controversy in Con gress before the resolution, which l a t e r became the Fourteenth Amendment, was passed concerned Sections 2 and 3. When the Con gressional committee recommend ed the resolution for passage by Congress, its report contained the following statement: The conclusion of your Committee, therefore, is that the so-called Confed erate States are not, at present, entitled to representation in the Congress of the United States; that, before allowing such representation, adequate security of fu ture peace and safety should be required; that this can only be found in such changes of the original law, as shall de termine the civil rights of all citizens in all parts of the republic; shall place representation on an equitable basis, shall fix a stigma upon treason, and protect the loyal people against future claims for the expenses incurred in support of re bellion and for manumitted slaves, to gether with an express grant of power in "Congress to enforce those provisions. To this end. they offer a joint resolution for amending the Constitution of the United States . . . . /Italics added/ In the debate it was said in the House that Section 1 simply meant [1 6 that whatever law punishes or pro tects a white man should operate in the same way upon the Negro. In the Senate, Section 1 was said to have two objectives: (a) to make the prohibitions of the Bill of Rights binding on the states and compel them to respect these rights, and (b) to abolish class legislation in the states and do away with injustices resulting from subjecting one caste of persons to a code not applicable to another. The resolution was passed by two-thirds vote of Congress and sent to the state legislatures for rati fication in 1866. The Southern states rejected it; also three border states—Delaware, Kentucky, and Maryland. By a joint resolution the Delaware legislature stated that the Fourteenth Amendment “would be an attempt to establish an equality not sanctioned by the laws of nature or of God.” Several states rejected the Amendment and later ratified it; several withdrew t h e i r ratification after having adopted it. However, 30 states had ratified the Amendment by July 1868, and the U. S. Depart ment of State issued a proclama tion to the effect that it had become a part of the Constitution by adoption in more than threefourths of the 36 states. The right of enforcement of the Fourteenth Amendment was em bodied in Congress. Soon thereaf ter a bill of rights was proposed to implement the Amendment. Pro posals of later vintage went thru somewhat similar ups and downs of debate. The legislative history of 1870-1875 has special signifi cance today because many of the Congressmen who debated the is sue then had helped frame the Amendment, and today the Su preme Court is considering (a) if the Fourteenth Amendment was meant to ban segregation or could be so interpreted, and (b) if steps taken in this direction should be the responsibility of the Supreme Court in interpreting the Amend ment or of Congress in its enforce ment. Mr. Sumner of Massachusetts sponsored a civil rights bill which was adversely reported in 1870 and again in 1871. In December of 1871, Mr. Sumner was successful in attaching his civil rights pro posal to the Amnesty Bill then un der consideration in the Senate. The purpose of this civil rights bill was to clarify the meaning of the Fourteenth Amendment, to make certain that hotels, public convey ances, and schools were open equally to all. Debate was heated. Some opponents felt that Con gress had no right to legislate on such matters as education, worship, and amusement, which were as pects of the private life of the peo ple. Others opposed because the civil rights bill did not assert or affirm any right which the Negroes did not already possess, and was therefore unnecessary. Mr. Blair of Missouri offered an amendment to permit each locality or state to 1 �decide whether it should have mixed or separate schools. He pro posed a special election to de termine the question, but h is proposition was defeated by a vote of 30 to 23. In the meantime, Mr. Hereford of West Virginia had introduced a resolution declaring that it would be contrary to the Constitution and a usurpation of power for Congress to force mixed schools upon the states, but Mr. Hereford’s resolu tion was also defeated. A civil rights bill was finally passed in 1875, but it omitted all references to schools.1 Therefore, the issue was left to the states in dividually, and no subsequent leg islation of Congress changed this situation. 1 The foregoing historical summary is based upon: Flack, Horace E. The Adop tion of the Fourteenth Amendment. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1908. 286 p.; Kenrick, Benjamin B. The Journal of the Joint Committee of Fifteen on Reconstruction, 1865-1867. New York: Columbia University Press, 1914. 414 p. History of Segregated Schools Before the Civil War, most states operated separate schools for Negroes, and among these were many Northern states. E arly Practices of States Massachusetts. Separate primary schools had been established in Boston since the early 1800’s. They were originally opened at the re quest of Negro residents whose children could not attend the regu lar public schools because of the prejudice existing against them. In 1846 certain Negroes petitioned the school committee to abolish the separate schools and permit their children to attend the schools for white children. After due delibera tion the school committee passed a resolution that continuance of the separate schools “is not only legal and just, but is best adapted to promote the education of that class of our population.” The issue was taken to the Massachusetts courts where it was argued that the separate schools constituted an injury, not a benefit, to both races, because it tended to create a feel ing of degradation in the Negroes and of prejudice and uncharitable ness in the whites. The Massa chusetts court said: This prejudice, if it exists, is not cre ated by law, and probably cannot be changed by law. Whether this distinc tion and prejudice, existing in the opin ion and feelings of the community, would not be as effectually fostered by com pelling colored and white children to [8] associate together in the same schools, may well be doubted.2 At any rate, the school commit tee had made its decision and the court found no ground upon which to doubt the honest judgment of its members. Since by law the school committee had full authority over the schools, the court held that the matter was within the committee's discretionary power. This Massachusetts decision is unique in that it is the only one thruout all the intervening years validating a local schoolboard’s implied power to operate separate schools. In all other cases, absence of legislative authorization has been held to prevent a local de termination to separate school chil dren by race or color.3 Therefore, attention must be con centrated upon state constitutional and legislative provisions authoriz ing the maintenance of separate schools. Today, segregation is a live issue but it is contained most ly in Southern states where state constitutions and statutes provide for separate schools. Fifty years ago the problem was more wide spread. Many of the Northern states enacted legislative authority for segregation in the public 3 Roberts v. Boston, 5 Cush. 198 (Mass. 1849). 3 Crawford v. District School Board for School District No. 7, Klamath County, 137 Pac. 217 (Oreg. 1913) wherein many other cases are cited in support of the majority rule. [9] �schools immediately after the end of the Civil War. sachusetts, saying: Nevada. One of these was Ne vada where an act of 1867 pro vided that Negroes should not be admitted to the public schools for white children altho trustees might provide a separate school for Ne groes, to be supported out of pub lic-school funds. This law made a definite prohibition against ad mitting Negroes to schools where white children attended, and, by use of the word “may,” left to local trustees discretionary power but no mandate to operate schools for Ne groes. The courts ruled the law to be unconstitutional. The state constitution requires the legislature to establish and maintain schools for all children of school age; the legislation did not mandate schools for Negroes. As to the Fourteenth Amendment, the court declined to speculate but was of the general opinion that the statutory violation of the state constitution did not necessarily violate the federal con stitution.4 Thus, segregation did not gain a foothold in Nevada. . . . in the circumstances that the races are separate in the public schools, there is certainly to be found no violation of the constitutional rights of the one race more than of the other, and we see none of either, for each, though separated from the other, is to be educated upon equal terms with that other, and both at the common public expense.5 previously discussed, Altho upholding segregation, the court sounded a note of warning that Negroes could not be exclud ed from white schools unless there was available a Negro school of equal educational opportunities. N e w York. New York had au thorized separate schools by an act of 1864. When this law was chal lenged as a violation of the Four teenth Amendment, the New York court said that separate schools “did not deprive children of Afri can descent from the full and equal enjoyment of any accommodation, advantage, facility, or privilege ac corded to them by law, and they in no way discriminated against colored children.”6 The court interpreted the Four teenth Amendment to mean only California. California’s segrega that Negro children should have tion law, enacted in 1869, was like the same privilege of obtaining an Nevada’s except that the word education with equal facilities; that “shall” was used in place of “may.” they receive such education in sep Thus, educational opportunities arate schools did not impair any of were required for Negro children. their legal rights. The effect of When the law was challenged in San Francisco, the California court 5 Ward v. Flood, 48 Calif. 36 (Calif. relied on the Roberts case in Mas- 1874). * State v. Duffy, 7 Nev. 342 (Nev. 1872). 8 People v. Gallagher, 93 N.Y. 438 (N.Y. 1883) followed in People v. Queens School Board, 56 N.E. 81 (N.Y. 1900). [ 10] this decision was negated by pro hibitory legislation enacted in 1945. Ohio a n d Indiana. Ohio’s seg regation law, upheld as constitu tional,7 was repealed in 1887. Indiana, another Northern state, authorized separate schools in 1869 and again in 1877, leaving the question to local determination. This law was upheld as constitu tional in 1874.8* In 1926 the statute was challenged as violating the state constitutional provision for a uniform school system open equal ly to all. The court then said: . . . uniformity will be secured when all the schools of the same grade have the same system of government and dis cipline, the same branches of learning taught, and the same qualifications for admission. The classification of scholars on the basis of race or color, and their education in separate schools, involve matters of domestic policy which are within the legislative discretion and con trol, and do not amount to an exclusion of either class. The Legislature has the power to provide for either separate or mixed schools.® In 1931, white pupils in a partic ular school went on strike after Ne gro pupils in Grade X had joined them, having been transferred from a Negro school that had been op erating the first 10 grades. The schoolboard allegedly broke the strike by promising to remove the Negro pupils within 90 days. They 7 State v. McCann, 21 Ohio St. 208 (Ohio 1872); State v. Buntin, 10 Fed. 730 (Ohio 1882). 8 Corey v. Carter, 48 Ind. 327 (Ind. 1874). 0 Greathouse v. Board of School Com missioners of Indianapolis, 151 N.E. 411 (Ind. 1926). were moved back to the Negro school after the Christmas vacation and therefore took judicial action on grounds of discrimination. The court found that the forced attend ance of these pupils at the Negro school was justified not only on the basis of racial segregation but also because it was the school to which they should be assigned on the basis of residence. . Since equal op portunities were offered in Grade X of both schools, no discrimina tion had occurred.10 Possibly separate schools were the typical and ordinary pattern in the country as a whole during the last half of the 19th century. In diana did not repeal its enabling act until 1949. However, much earlier, many other Northern states outlawed segregation by explicit constitutional or statutory provi sions. Illinois a n d Michigan. Illinois a n d Michigan courts decided against separate schools in the first few years after the end of the Civil War. The Michigan court held in 1869 that Detroit could not refuse admission of Negroes to the regu lar public schools for white chil dren because a statute enacted in 1867 provided that “all . . . shall have equal right to attend any school.”11 Illinois in 1874 had ju dicial precedent that separate 10 State v. Wirt, 177 N.E. 441 (Ind. 1931). n People v. Board of Education of De troit, 18 Mich. 400 (Mich. 1869). [ii] �schools were unconstitutional.12 A few years later Negro children were refused admission to the white school in an Illinois school district and were sent to a distant school for Negroes. In the original trial of this case, the court refused to admit evidence of actual refusal of Negroes at the white school, altho it made the following abstract comment: It may be that the wisest of both races believe that the best interests of each would be promoted by voluntary sepa ration in the public schools, and while such voluntary action, not in violation of law, could not be interfered with by the courts, yet the law is too plain for argument, and has been often decided, that no child otherwise entitled to attend any public school in this state can, on account of the color of such child, be ex cluded, directly or indirectly, from such school by any school officer or public authorities.1 3 A new trial was ordered because the court had erroneously refused admission of evidence as to wheth er or not the Negro children had been refused admission to the white schools. On retrial it was shown that such refusal had oc curred and that the Negro children had been discriminated against on account of color when they had been excluded from a certain mixed school and required to attend a separate school.14 This incident in Illinois shows that even in 1901, in 1 Chase v. Stephenson, 71 HI. 383 3 (111. 1874). 1 People v. Alton, 54 N.E. 421 (111. 3 1899). 1 People v. Alton, 61 N.E. 1077 (HI. 4 1901). states where segregated schools had been declared illegal, attempts were made on occasion to separate Negroes from white pupils. N e w Jersey. Another incident occurred in New Jersey where the law explicitly prohibited exclusion because of “color.” A mulatto child was excluded and the schoolboard argued that it had acted within the law. No exclusion had been or dered because of color; the schoolboard did not exclude a n y pupils because of color; an Italian, it said, might be as dark-skinned as the mulatto and the Italian would not have been excluded. The mulatto had been refused admission be cause of race, not color, and the law did not prohibit exclusion on account of race; the law referred only to color. The court held that the meaning of color in this coun try was well established historical ly; that the law meant race and not the skin color of Caucasians.15 Segregation Abandoned Outside the South As time went on, segregation was abandoned in most of the Northern states. Negroes were aided by con stitutional and statutory provisions prohibiting discriminations because of race or color. Some of these pro visions were general; however, identical general statements were variously interpreted. Six state constitutions — Indiana, Montana, “ State v. Union District School Trus tees, 46 N.J.L. 76 (N.J. 1884). [12] New Mexico, North D a k o t a , South Dakota, and Utah—provided that the public schools shall be “equally open to all.” In four of these states the courts have not been called upon to interpret this general provision in the light of its meaning regarding separate schools for Negroes. Two—Indiana and New Mexico—by legislation pro vided for separate schools, but these statutes have now been re pealed (Indiana in 1949 and New Mexico in 1951). Three other states have a differ ent kind of general provision in their constitutions. Iowa, Ne braska, and New York constitutions provide that the legislature shall provide for the education of all the children of the state. The Iowa court held in 1868 that this pro vision prohibited exclusion of Ne gro children and precluded the maintenance of separate schools for them.10 This decision was fol lowed by other cases in the next decade and well established the practice of mixed schools in Iowa, altho there is not explicit constitu tional or statutory provision on the point. New York’s constitutional provision for the education of all the children of the state was held not to prevent legislation establish ing separate schools for Negroes,as has been pointed out, but New York negated this interpretation by legislation in 1945 prohibiting sepa- rate schools. The issue has not arisen in Nebraska. Constitutions of five states are more explicit. Colorado, Idaho, Washington, and Wyoming consti tutions prohibit distinctions or classifications on the basis of race or color (altho Wyoming by statute permits segregation). New Jersey’s constitution is now even more explicit, prohibiting any segrega tion in the public schools. Some what similar statutory provisions have been found in 10 other states: Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana (since the 1949 amendments), Massachu setts, Michigan, Minnesota, New York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin. This survey, therefore, results in a total count of 22 states that have taken positive steps by consti tutional or statutory provisions to prohibit segregated schools. No constitutional or statutory provi sions either permitting or prohibit ing separate schools have been found in seven states: California, Maine, Nevada, New Hampshire, Ohio, Oregon, and Vermont. In the other 19 states segregation is practiced on the basis of constitu tional or statutory permissive or mandatory provisions. Segregation Today Among the 19 states currently op erating segregated schools is Del aware which, it may be recalled, is one of the states that rejected the Fourteenth Amendment. Dela 1 8 Clark v. Board of Directors, 24 Iowa ware is also one of the states which 266 (Iowa 1868). [13] �is currently interested in a case pending before the Supreme Court of the United States in an attempt to continue segregated schools. Fifteen of the 19 states where separate schools are maintained do so by constitutional mandate on a statewide basis, and four by statu tory provisions—two of which are mandatory and two optional on the part of the local board. The in fluence of the South in this respect can be shown in the development of segregated schools in Kansas. Kansas was settled just before the controversy over slavery reached its peak. Its settlers came from the North and from the South, with divergent views with regard to Ne groes. Even today the Negro pop ulation is small, being slightly under 4 percent of the total. How ever, 90 percent of the Negroes re side in cities of the first class, defined as being over 15,000 in pop ulation. During the 1880’s Kansas experienced what has been called “the black exodus” when large numbers of Negroes from the South settled in Kansas cities. Therefore, Kansas law made a distinction be tween schools in cities and schools outside the larger localities. Kan sas law prohibits separate high schools in first-class cities, making an exception of Kansas City. Twelve cities, including Topeka, fall into the population category of first-class cities. It is the Topeka situation which is before the Su preme Court of the United States today. Topeka was settled mainly by Northern whites, but segregated schools began about 1900. The Kansas courts interpreted the statutory restriction on segre gated schools to mean a tacit au thorization for segregation at the elementary-school level, since the law is silent regarding elementary schools.1 A number of cases have 17 * 1 arisen in Kansas from the early 1900’s to the case now pending be fore the United States Supreme Court. Several second-class cities at tempted to segregate Negro ele mentary-school pupils but this was held to be outside the scope of the permissive law which applies only to first-class cities.18 It was not al ways certain where elementary grades ended in first-class city school systems and where highschool grades began, leading to controversies as to which grades could and could not be segre gated.19 In all these cases con stitutionality was upheld follow ing an early decision where the state supreme court denied the argument that segregation violates the Fourteenth Amendment. In 1906 the Kansas court said that “our attention is not called to any provision of this amendment that 11 Reynolds v. Board of Education of Topeka, 72 Pac. 274 (Kans. 1903). 1 Cartwright v. Coffeyville, 84 Pac. 8 382 (Kan. 1906); Woolridge v. Board of Education of Galena, 157 Pac. 1184 (Kans. 1916); Thurman-Watts v. Coffey ville Board of Education, 222 Pac. 123 (Kans. 1924). 1 Graham v. Board of Education of 9 Topeka, 114 P. (2d) 313 (Kans. 1941). [14] has been violated nor what is claimed by the petitioner upon the question.”20 The current case arose in Topeka; pending decision by the Supreme Court of the United States the local schoolboard has taken steps to eliminate segregation but the statute remains in force. Altho the Arizona law is not lim ited to cities of a designated size, as in Kansas, the statutes of these two states are similar to the extent that a distinction is made between elementary- and high-school pupils. Arizona law requires segregation of pupils in all schools other than high schools. The court has held that this is mandatory at the ele mentary level, regardless of the number of pupils.21 Then, the law also states that if 25 or more Ne groes attend high school, the board shall, upon petition of 15 percent of the electors residing in the dis trict, call an election to determine whether they shall be segregated or attend the white high school. If a majority of the voters choose seg regation on the ballot, which must include an estimate of the cost of operating the separate high school, the board must comply and pro vide equal accommodations and fa cilities. These provisions apparently give the board no choice at the elementary-school level and permit the residents to decide at the highschool level, if the district contains 25 or more Negro high-school pu pils. However, the law also gives schoolboards the general power to classify pupils, and the state su preme court has held that the board’s general classification power includes power to operate a sepa rate high school, regardless of the number of Negro high-school pu pils, and without putting the matter to the vote of the electors.22 In other words, segregation in Arizona is mandatory in elementary schools and is optional with the board in high schools, except that the board may be compelled by the electors to segregate high-school pupils if there are 25 or more Negro highschool pupils. No distinctions are made be tween elementary- and high-school pupils in the other 17 states. Fif teen of these provide for separate schools by constitutional provision. These provisions vary somewhat, altho the practice thereunder does not differ to any great extent, and the difference in language is incon sequential in the main provisions. Table 1 shows in column 3 the states whose constitutions contain the language quoted in column 1 of the table. Since Table 1 refers only to con stitutional provisions, it does not include Arkansas, Arizona, Kansas, and Maryland, as segregation in these four states is not by constitu- 20 Richardson v. Kansas City Board of Education, 84 Pac. 538 (Kans. 1906). 2 Harrison v. Riddle, 36 P. (2d) 984 1 (Ariz. 1934). 2 2 Burnside v. Douglas School District No. 27, Cochise County, 261 Pac. 629 (Ariz. 1927) followed in Johnson v. Douglas School District No. 27, Cochise County, 261 Pac. 633 (Ariz. 1927). [15] �tion but by statute. The Arizona Judicial Interpretation and Kansas laws have already been Southern jurists took these pro described. Arkansas merely charges visions for separate schools very local schoolboards with the power seriously. One drop of Negro and duty of establishing separate blood was sufficient to justify ex schools for white and Negro pupils. clusion in some states; in others Segregation in Maryland is actually one-sixteenth or one-eighth part by implication rather than by di Negro was the statutory line. In rect requirement. The statutory decision after decision, state su provision regarding admission of preme courts and lower federal pupils refers to “white youths.” courts upheld segregated schools Another section of law empowers under a variety of circumstances. schoolboards to establish schools In at least one of the Southern for colored children when the col states an equal rights provision ored population warrants. Under was written into the state constitu these provisions separate schools tion adopted immediately after the became accepted practice, and on end of the Civil War, but it was the basis of established practice given little practical effect, at least growing out of the statutory impli as far as the schools were con cation, the courts have held that cerned. The Mississippi Constitu Negroes cannot compel admission tion adopted in 1869 stated that no to the white schools.23 money could be appropriated for any charitable or public institution 2 3 Williams v. Zimmerman, 192 Atl. that made a distinction among the 353 (Md. 1937). TABLE 1 State Constitutional Provisions for Segregation of Races in Public Schools Provision in state constitution Number of states 2 1 Separate schools shall be m aintained----- ......... 10 States with such provision 3 Ala., Del., Ga., Ky., La. (between ages 6 and 16), Miss., Mo., Okla., S. C., Texas No school shall allow white and Negro children to be received together in the same school -------------------------------- ____ 1 Tenn. No child of either race shall be permitted to attend a school of the other race —____ 2 Ala., S. C. White and colored children shall not be taught in the same school..................... ......... 3 Fla., Va., W. Va. Children shall be taught in separate schools ................ - ............ ......... ......... 1 N. C. [16] we do not know what its purpose was. It does not inhibit distinction among citi zens on account of race, color, or previous condition, altho that was prominent when the instrument came into being. It pro hibits any distinction, on any ground, for any cause, no matter what, among citi zens. It surely does not mean that. It is probable that it was a mere platitude, intended to announce the general propo sition for legislative observance that equality and fairness must govern ap propriation of public money for public institutions. Despairing of ascertaining its meaning, we take refuge in contempo raneous practical interpretation . . . . 2* 4 /"Italics added/, citizens thereof. A new constitu tion had been adopted before the Mississippi court had to interpret the equal rights provision, and the new constitution had omitted it. Furthermore, the new constitution required separate schools for Ne groes, who challenged the educa tional segregation as being in violation of the Fourteenth Amend ment and of the equal rights pro vision of the state constitution of 1869. The Mississippi court said mere ly that the suggestion of violation of the Fourteenth Amendment was “without force.” Regarding the equal rights provision of the state constitution, the court did not see that it applied. It would seem to have been sufficient if the court had said that the new constitution superseded the old one, and omis sion of the equal rights provision in the new constitution ended its ef fect. Instead of so ruling, how ever, the court pondered over the meaning of the provision in the su perseded constitution, as follows: Whatever the effect and purpose of that provision, it cannot be held to deny the legislature the right to make separate provision for the different races in the matter of schools, and it was admissible for the legislature to authorize the es tablishment and maintenance of schools for whites and schools for Negroes. If not, much that has been done is viola tion of the constitution. The practical interpretation of the constitution, begun soon after its adoption, and continued until it was superseded, forbids the idea that this declaration of the constitution forbade public support of separate schools for the different races . . . . We confess Segregation, in and of itself, was considered constitutional whenever challenged in any of the states hav ing constitutional or statutory authorization therefor, but the gen eral principle developed to require that the separate schools offer Ne groes equal educational opportuni ties. What “equal opportunities” means is to be discussed in the next section of this report. Here it should be pointed out that not all the 15 state constitutions shown in Table 1 leave the question of equality of opportunity open to lo cal determination and judicial re view thereof. Kentucky prohibits distinction in the apportionment of state aid; Delaware prohibits any distinction in the apportionment of state aid for teachers’ salaries; Flor ida and Texas declare that im partial provision shall be made for both races; North Carolina requires that there shall be no discrimina2 Chrisman v. Brookhaven, 12 So. 458 4 (Miss. 1893). [17] �The Equal Opportunities Rule It was pointed out earlier that a number of states with constitution al provisions requiring separate schools have limitations requiring equal opportunities in the schools for Negroes. Aside from these pro visions, however, courts of many states have ruled that opportunities must be equal to satisfy the re quirements o f t h e Fourteenth Amendment and similar provisions of state constitutions declaring the policy of equal protection of the laws. The applicable language of the Fourteenth Amendment is the “equal protection of the laws” clause, not the clause prohibiting states from abridging privileges and immunities, because the latter refers only to rights of individuals as citizens of the United States. In 1874 the Supreme Court of the United States distinguished be tween rights of individuals as citi zens of the United States and their rights as residents of a state.30 Since education is a state function, the Fourteenth Amendment clause guaranteeing equal protection of the laws is the basis upon which the equal opportunities rule was founded in the evaluation of edu- cational offerings in separate schools. This point is mentioned briefly here because attorneys in a few cases have erroneously grounded their arguments on the privileges and immunities clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, and found that education was not with in the guarantee. In cases where Negroes have sought admission to the white schools, they have in the past more often challenged the accommoda tions in the Negro schools than urged the unconstitutionality of segregation itself, altho occasional ly it has been a secondary plea. In cases where they have not sought admission to the white schools, ap parently accepting the principle of segregation, they have challenged the quality of the schools main tained for them, on the ground of violation of the equal opportunities rule. Altho mentioned in a few earlier cases, one of the first definite state ments setting forth the equal op portunities rule came from Indiana when the separate-schools enabling act was upheld as constitutional.37 The same principle was stated in Ohio shortly thereafter.38* It then became necessary to evaluate the circumstances of each case to de “ Slaughter House Cases, 16 Wall. 36 termine whether accommodations (U.S.S.C. 1873). See excellent discus sion of the application of the Slaughter House Cases to school segregation in: Carber, Lee O. “Appendix.” The Year book of School Law, 1952. Philadelphia: the Author (3812 Walnut St.), 1952. p. 75-105. 3 Corey v. Carter, 48 Ind. 327 ( Ind. 7 1874). :M United States v. Buntin, 10 Fed. 730 (Ohio 1882). [20] were equal or unequal at the Ne gro school involved. No general definition of educational equality could be made. The courts usually held that substantial equality suf ficed and that identity of oppor tunities was not necessary.30 Equality of opportunity was measured in some cases by an iso lated aspect of the school system; in other cases the entire school program was reviewed by the courts. Size of school, number of schools in comparison with number of pupils, school construction and equipment, length of term, distance from home to school, courses of study offered, qualifications of teachers, and classification of grade levels were some of the points con sidered by the various courts. In Kansas and North Carolina it was held that schools for white pupils can be larger and more numerous in districts where the white population is larger, that smaller schools or fewer schools for Negroes in such districts does not constitute inequality.40 In Okla homa the court held that inequali ty existed when t h e N e g r o population of a district was larger than the white population and the value of the Negro school was much lower than the value of the white school.41 Equality in length of term was set forth as one of several qualifi cations of equality in the L o w e r y case by the North Carolina court, and the Jones case in Oklahoma held that- a nine-month term for whites and a seven-month term for Negroes was evidence of inequali ty. Also, in Kentucky the court pronounced unequal a situation wherein white pupils attended school for nine or 10 months while Negro pupils had a three-month session.42 On the other hand, a Kentucky court did not disapprove as unequal another situation where schools for Negroes were operated for eight months in a district where schools for white pupils were main tained for a nine-month session.43 In this case the court implied that discrimination should be deter mined with respect to faculty, fa cilities, or equipment only and no discrimination was alleged on these points. Educational opportunities with regard to the period the schools were open were considered also in Florida when a schoolboard or dered a split session for Negro pu pils. It was during the bean-har vesting season and 95 percent of the bean pickers were Negro. The schools for white children were not closed during the season. The court 3 One of the earliest statements of held that the distinction was not 8 this idea was in Bertonneau v. Board of discriminatory because the school- Directors, Fed. Cas. No. 1,361 (1878). 40 Reynolds v. Board of Education, 72 Pac. 274 ( Kans. 1903); Lowery v. School Trustees, 52 S.E. 267 (N.C. 1905). 4 Jones v. Board of Education, 217 1 Pac. 400 ( Okla. 1923). 4 Claybrook v. Owensboro, 16 Fed. 3 297 (Ky. 1882). 4 Board of Education of Brea v. Bal 3 lard, 185 S.W. (2d) 538 (Ky. 1945). [ 21 ] �n statement made by the Maryland Supreme Court in 1937: lege level when it required the University of Missouri to admit a Possibly there might be, under some Negro to its law school, there being circumstances, inequalities encountered in Missouri no law school for Ne in dealing with the two races separately groes. The state had provided outthat would render the maintenance of the of-state scholarships for Negroes so separation inconsistent with the constitu tional requirement of equal protection of that they could obtain education the laws, but the allowance of separate in fields not available within the treatment at all involves allowance of state, especially at the graduate some incidental differences, and some in a n d professional levels. The equalities, in meeting practical problems presented. And it is the opinion of the Court, however, held that this sub court that the differences here amount to stitute was not an equal opportuni no more. Inequalities in the separate ty.55 From that decision onward, a elementary school teaching are com number of cases were brought by plained of as having an effect to deny the Negroes seeking specialized college colored children equal opportunities to qualify for the examinations, and thus training in such fields as journal equal access to the high school course, ism, law, and education. In each instance the Court held that the but this could not be remedied by ad mitting to a high school a child who is state must admit Negroes to white not fitted for it. The remedy would have institutions or provide equal educa to be one reaching farther back.1 1 * tional opportunities in an institu The similarity between the Kan tion for Negroes, and equality of sas and the Maryland opinions lies opportunity seemed to have been in the implication, if not direct given a more precise definition statement, that segregation in and than ever before. It was held that of itself cannot avoid some minor admission of a Negro to a white inequalities, especially if the evalu college was not enough if he were ation is made with respect to op required to sit in the classroom portunities offered in individual apart from the white pupils, read cases rather than with respect to in the library at a table by himself, the school population as a whole. and eat in the college dining room Until 1938, courts made general at a separate table.50 This decision statements that educational oppor suggests that the right to equal op tunities in separate schools must be portunities is a personal right that substantially equivalent, but no ef would preclude in the future such fort seems to have been made to decisions on the public-school level require identical opportunities in as have been rendered to the ef individual cases. In that year the fect that there is no inequality beSupreme Court of the United States 85 State ex rel. Gaines v. Canada, 305 started a new movement at the col“ Williams v. Zimmerman, 192 Atl. 353 (Md. 1937). U. S. 337 (U.S.S.C. 1938). “ McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Re gents for Higher Education, 339 U. S. 637 (U.S.S.C. 1950). [24] cause some white schools are poorer than some Negro schools and some Negro schools are better than some white schools. Such an “averaging out” of op portunities has occurred in several cases such as the 1949 decision on the Pulaski County, Virginia, schools. In that case Negroes charged that building facilities were not equivalent but the court used the “on the average” yard stick. It was alleged that Negro pupils suffered discrimination with regard to transportation but the court discovered that the buses used to transport Negroes were less crowded and traveled over better roads than the buses transporting white pupils. The high-school op portunities were ruled to be equiv alent; curriculum differences at all levels were said to be “inconse quential”; and there was no evi dence that the compulsory attend ance law was enforced more strictly for whites than for Ne groes.57 This was only one of several re cent cases in Virginia. In 1948 King George County and Gloucest er County schools were found to have provided inferior schools for Negroes.58 These cases made a modern presentation of evidence— blueprints, photographs, statistics, and other objective data. In these counties the courts examined the construction of buildings, t h e equipment and other facilities fur nished, qualifications of instruction al personnel, library facilities, and transportation services. The in equalities were ordered to be reme died. No inequality was found in Arlington County,50 but in Prince Edward County the court ordered admission of the Negro high-school pupils to the high school for whites, pending completion of construction of a new high-school building for Negroes.00 Negroes in Prince Ed ward County appealed to the Su preme Court of the United States on the ground that moving their children back and forth between the two schools would constitute a detrimental discrimination, a n d that question has not been decided. From the decisions in the college cases the Supreme Court appears to have given equality a new defi nition so that each individual Negro must be able to get an edu cation identical with that available to a white pupil of his age and capabilities. Sufficient time has not elapsed for the new principle to show itself in new decisions in state courts when inequality is charged at the public-school level, but it does seem that the type of decision where white and Negro 6 Corbin v. County School Board of school facilities are averaged out 7 Pulaski County, 84 F. Supp. 253 (Va. 1949). 8 Smith v. School Board of King 8 George County; Ashley v. School Board of Gloucester County, 82 F. Supp. 167 (Va. 1948). “ Carter v. School Board of Arlington County, 182 F. (2d) 531 (Va. 1950). ® Davis v. County School Board of ° Prince Edward County, 103 F. Supp. 337 (Va. 1952). [25] �r should be considered out of date. An entirely different line of deci sions may follow in the event segre gation is continued. Of that there is some doubt as Negroes are now concentrating on the argument that separate schools, even if equivalent in facilities, deny them opportuni ties by the mere fact that they are separate. This is the issue now pending before the Supreme Court of the United States. Two poinls are claimed: (a) segregation can never provide equal opportunities because there is inherent therein a detrimental psychological effect caused by the separation; and (b) segregation is unconstitutional de nial of equal protection of the laws, regardless of its effects, or lack thereof. Cases Currently Before the Supreme Court Five segregation cases were ar gued before the Supreme Court of the United States in December 1952.°1 Four of the five were con cerned with state constitutional provisions for separate schools; the fifth, with segregation in the Dis trict of Columbia. Three of the first four cases were appealed by Negroes from Kansas, South Caro lina, and Virginia; the fourth was an appeal by the state of Delaware from a decree of the Delaware Su preme Court ordering admission of Negro children to white schools. For the first time the Supreme Court of the United States was faced squarely with the question of the constitutionality of segre gated schools under the Fourteenth Amendment of the federal Consti tution. Attorneys on both sides of sev eral of these cases relied on an 1896 decision of the Court, referred to as the Plessy case. The Plessy case involved segregation in intra state railroads in Louisiana.62 The Court permitted the practice of separating Negro and white pas sengers. The case had nothing to do with separate schools, but the 0 Brown v. Board of Education of To 1 peka, No. 8; Briggs v. Elliott, No. 101; Davis v. County School Board of Prince Edward County, No. 191; Bolling v. Sharpe, No. 413; Gebhart v. Belton, No. 448. /’Numbers refer to docket numbers in October 1952 term.7 0 Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537 3 (U.S.S.C. 1896). [26] Court’s decision included the fol lowing statement: Laws permitting and even requiring their separation in places where they are liable to be brought into contact do not nection with schools for white and colored race to the other, and have been gener ally, if not universally recognized as with in the competency of the state legislatures in the exercise of their police power. The most common instance of this is in con nection with schools for white and colored children which has been held to be a valid exercise of the legislative power even by courts of states where the po litical rights of the colored race have been longest and most earnestly en forced.0 3 Altho several courts over the years since the Plessy decision in 1896 have relied upon it in school cases, it was pointed out in the current cases that it should not be a precedent upholding separate schools since that was not the issue on which the Plessy case was de cided. Ordinarily, a court settles only the issue before it in the spe cific facts of the particular case. Comments on the side are dicta, not establishing precedents, but of ten carrying considerable weight. Attorneys in favor of segregation argued that the Plessy decision had risen “above the specific facts in 0 The case referred to in the quota 3 tion was the Roberts case in Massachu setts, discussed on page 9 herein. It had upheld separate schools but was decided before the Fourteenth Amendment had been adopted. Therefore, it was argued in the current cases that it is not a prece dent on the effect of the Fourteenth Amendment. [27] �issue /in it/ and announces a doc trine applicable to any social situa tion wherein the two races are brought into contact.” Since courts are loathe to overrule precedents unnecessarily, attorneys against segregation voiced two opinions: (a ) that the Plessy decision was not a precedent for school cases be cause the issue there was railroad segregation; and (b) that the Court could outlaw school segregation without disturbing the Plessy de cision because no inequality had been found in the Plessy case, whereas school segregation does result in discriminatory inequality. It was argued that segregation m intrastate transportation had been upheld only because no inequality had been proved therefrom, where as a psychological reaction resulted from separation of the races in the public schools. This kind of dis crimination is “something apart from the objective components of the school system.” In the South Carolina case evi dence had been submitted showing that the humiliation which Negro children undergo in a separate school is a permanent type of in jury to their minds which is actual and not theoretical. Therefore, it was argued that segregation in the public schools could be outlawed under the recent decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States at the college level where inequalities re sulting from segregation had been controlling—and the Plessy dictum need not be considered. In the Kansas case the lower court said that segregation creates a sense of inferiority in Negro children which affects their motivation to learn, that “segregation with the sanction of law, therefore, has a tendency to retard the educational and mental development of Negro children.” Despite this finding, the court in that case had decided that segre gation per se does not violate the Fourteenth Amendment because the Supreme Court had said so in the Plessy decision. Actually, in none of these five cases was the issue o n appeal the material inequalities of present conditions. In the Kansas case no allegation was made that the sepa rate schools were inferior; pending appeal of the South Carolina case, the schools had been brought up to a standard fixed by the lower court as constituting equality; in Virginia inequality was acknowledged but was to be eliminated by immediate improvements, and the inequality was not in issue. Also, in Dela ware, altho inequality had been acknowledged, it was not the is sue on appeal. In each of these cases the real issue was whether segregation in itself amounts to in equality or unequal treatment un der the laws, thus becoming un constitutional under the Fourteenth Amendment which prohibits the states from denying the equal pro tection of the laws to any person within their respective jurisdic tions. [28] In the fifth case, from the Dis trict of Columbia, the issue was the same except that it related to the power of Congress under the Fifth Amendment to provide for sepa rate schools, and in fact whether or not Congress had actually ever authorized segregation in the Dis trict of Columbia schools. During oral argument of these cases in December 1952, the Jus tices asked many questions dealing primarily with several specific problems: (a) the possibility that changed social and economic con ditions of the nation since the Four teenth Amendment had b e e n adopted might have altered what would have been a valid interpreta tion of the meaning of the Amend ment when adopted, and (b) the practical consequences if segrega tion were abolished. The Delaware Court had taken the position, based upon Supreme Court decisions in the college cases, that immediate admission of Negroes to white schools was a necessary result of a finding of unequal opportunities. The progress that had been made in other states, even after these suits had originated, showed that courts in other states had believed in giving a grace period to correct inequalities. The Court therefore appeared to be disturbed by a third question: (c) whether segregation, if banned, should be wiped out ipso facto, or given a period of time in which to die off painlessly. One might also find in the Justices’ questions a fourth problem that may be stated as: (d) if segrega tion is to be banned, should it be accomplished by judicial decision or by act of Congress. Each attorney representing the parties in these five cases was asked one or more of these questions during his oral argument. In most cases the answers were not entirely satisfactory. With regard to the consequences if segregation were banned, the attorney for the Kan sas schoolboard admitted that no serious results would ensue be cause the Negro population in Kan sas is small. There, the greatest difficulty might be the assimilation of Negro administrators; but the attorney could not say that the determination of whether or not to outlaw segregation should depend upon the proportion of Negroes in the general population. The at torney for the Virginia Negro pe titioners stated that there are now a sufficient number of teachers and space to assimilate all the pupils, but the attorney for the Virginia schoolboard felt that it would be impossible to raise public funds in his state to support an integrated school system because the taxpay ers would refuse to vote bond is sues. The Delaware appeal was taken by the state because of the “terrific impact” of the order of the state court to admit Negro pu pils to white schools—and this speaks for itself on the question of consequences. From December 1952 until close to the end of the 1952 term of the [29] �Supreme Court, decision on these cases was awaited with mixed feel ings. The South Carolina Consti tution was amended so that if the Court banned segregation the state could continue separate schools by abandoning its public-school system. Plans were under way so that state financial aid could be given for the support of private schools; all schools in the state would be privately owned, but su pervised and supported out of pub lic funds.64 State and local school authorities in other states maintain ing separate schools hastened to equalize educational opportunities so that if segregation can be con tinued after the Court rendered its decision, they will be able to with stand an onslaught of cases charg ing unequal opportunities since that principle is well established. On June 8, 1953, the Court or dered the five cases to be reargued on October 12—held over from the 1952 term to the 1953 term to give attorneys on both sides of each case an opportunity to file new briefs and argue anew on specific questions the Court posed for them, as follows: 0 It was early decided and universally 1 followed that the Fourteenth Amendment does not refer to discriminations prac ticed by individuals against individuals. Private schools could be segregated schools without violating a decision that segregation in the public schools is un constitutional. There is nothing in fed eral law that requires a state to maintain a public-school system; public-school systems are mandatory only when so specified in state laws. 1. What evidence is there that the Con gress which submitted and the State legislatures and conventions which ratified the Fourteenth Amendment contemplated or did not contemplate, understood or did not understand, that it would abolish segregation in public schools? 2. If neither the Congress in submitting nor the States in ratifying the Four teenth Amendment understood that compliance with it would require the immediate abolition of segregation in public schools, was it nevertheless the understanding of the framers of the Amendment (a) that future Congresses might, m the exercise of their power under Sec. 5 of the Amendment, abolish such segregation, or (b) that it would be within the ju dicial power, in light of future c o n d itio n s , to construe the Amendment as abolishing such segregation of its own force? 3. On the assumption that the answers to question 2(a) and (b) do not dis pose of the issue, is it within the judicial power, in construing the Amendment, to abolish segregation in public schools? 4. Assuming it is decided that segrega tion in public schools violates the Fourteenth Amendment (a) should a decree necessarily fol low providing that, within the limits set by normal geographic school districting, Negro chil dren should forthwith be admit ted to schools of their choice, or (b) may this Court in the exercise of its equity powers, permit an effective gradual adjustment to be brought about from existing segregated systems to a system not based on color distinctions? 5. On the assumption on which questions 4(a) and (b) are based, and as suming further that this Court will exercise its equity powers to the end [30] described in question 4 (b ), (a) should this Court formulate de tailed decrees in these cases; (b ) if so, what specific issues should the decrees reach; (c) should this Court appoint a spe cial master to hear evidence with a view to recommending specific terms for such decrees; (d ) should this Court remand to the courts of first instance with di rections to frame decrees in these cases, and if so, what general directions should the decrees of this Court include and what pro cedures should the courts of first instance follow in arriving at the specific terms of more detailed decrees?” During the summer of 1953 the Attorney General of the United States asked the Court to postpone reargument of these cases so that the United States could file a brief. December 7 was set for reargu ment. Early in December 1953, more than 11 hours were devoted to re argument of these five segregation cases in the Supreme Court of the United States. Attorneys on both sides attempted to answer the questions asked the previous June by the Justices. Those seeking to prove that the Fourteenth Amend ment contemplated elimination of segregated schools quoted from the debates in Congress and in state legislatures on the Amendment as to its effects. Altho the comments of any of these individuals could not be considered conclusive evi dence of the meaning of the Amendment, it was urged that they 8 21 L.W. 3307, June 9, 1953. 5 indicated a general understanding. Opponents stated that the mean ing of the Amendment could not be drawn from the crusade of radi cal abolitionists because Congress never went as far as these crusaders wished. The rights of Negroes were specifically protected in the legislation creating the Freedmen’s Bureau, and integrated schooling was not included in the statute. Furthermore, the Freedmen’s Bu reau installed segregated schools thruout the South. Insistence of the sponsors of the Civil Rights Acts of 1866 was quoted to the ef fect that it did not outlaw school segregation. The spokesman for the U. S. Attorney General’s of fice was of the opinion that the his tory of the Fourteenth Amendment did not support the claims made by either side. As to the question of the Court’s power to construe the Fourteenth Amendment as abolishing segrega tion in the public schools, one point of view expressed the idea that the Fourteenth Amendment in and of itself granted this power. Another argument was that the Ju diciary Act and an 1871 law grant ing legal action to any person deprived of a constitutional right, together give the Court the power and make it a duty to settle the issue. On the other hand, it was claimed that the Court had no power to upset a precedent of 100 years’ standing under the stare d e cisis rule. ("Stare decisis” means that a court should stand by its de- [31] �cisions so that the law can be defi books and the integration in To nite, known, and fixed.) peka was merely a policy declara It was generally agreed that if tion by the local schoolboard. the Court rules against segregation, With regard to the District of it should remand the cases to the Columbia case it was argued that lower courts for further action to the Court need not declare segre implement its decision. The Jus gated schools violative of the Fifth tices could not get much help from Amendment, but could decree that the attorneys in the oral argument legislation enacted by Congress did on the guiding instructions it not require segregation, that the should send to the lower courts in schoolboard could permit Negroes the event of such a decree. to attend the white schools volun On the question of immediate tarily and that the schoolboard had abolition of segregation or its grad exceeded its authority in requiring ual elimination, however, most of segregation. It was also argued the attorneys were in favor of al that regardless of whether segre lowing each state to move ahead at gated schools in the District of its own speed. One of the lawyers Columbia were mandatory or per for Negro appellants believed that missive, they were unconstitutional. a year should be sufficient in any Decision in these cases is not ex location. In this connection, the pected before late spring of 1954. Justices pointed out that the Kan The Court might rule that segrega sas case was largely moot since tion per se constitutes inequality Topeka had already taken steps to that must be eliminated within a eliminate segregation and one of reasonable period of time; or it the Negro children involved in that might rule that segregation per se case had already been admitted to is not unconstitutional provided the a white school while the others segregated schools offer complete had been promised admission as equality of opportunity. On the soon as arrangements could be other hand, the Court might decide made. However, both sides of the that segregation is an issue subject Kansas case declared that the issue to Congressional legislation but not remained since the statute permit a question within its judicial ting segregation is still on the power of determination. [32] k � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Legal Status of Segregated Schools, Joint Committee of the National Education Association and the American Teachers Association, January 1954 Description An account of the resource "Part 1 of a study on the status of the education of negroes", covers the 14th amendment, history of segregated schools, the equal opportunities rule, and cases currently before the Supreme Court. 14 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Joint Committee of the National Education Association and the American Teachers Association 1954-01 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_43 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/573aae51761596a7888f99d5940c1a78.pdf 3b3195c8890a1a05676fdeb92098b797 PDF Text Text The Listening Post C o lu m n E d ito r: C. G le n Ha*s C o n trib u to r: Ernest O . M e lb y What Is Behind the Attacks on Education? VICIOUS attacks on education are now an old story to all of us. The pattern of the attacks is quite the same in all sections of the country. The argu ments and charges made are now be coming threadbare with repetition. They have been answered time and again by those in daily contact with our educational system. Parents who frequently visit schools and members of parent-teacher associations who are familiar with the work of our schools know that the charges are false and that they are. in many instances, ex amples of the “big lie” technique. Most of us, however, have been so busy meeting the attacks that we have not had time to examine the philo sophical structure out of which they come. In this column, we shall call attention to three striking character istics of these vicious criticisms. A n ti-in tellectu a lism In many cases the vicious charges against education are prime examples of anti-intellectualism. Quite often the article or speech attacking education will begin by misstating the philosophy of John Dewey or William Heard Kil patrick or perhaps with a distortion of the philosophy of progressive or mod ern education. Thus John Dewey is said to advocate a thought control pat tern of education; Kilpatrick is charged with advocating socialistic or “pink” education and some curious process is utilized to show a supposed connection between communism and progressive education. Any careful thinker who would read the contributions of A p r il Dewey and Kilpatrick or the basic lit erature regarding progressive education would, of course, instantly conclude that the critic in question has com pletely distorted the meaning of what these men have written and the under lying philosophy of progressive educa tion. This process of distortion is no accident or result of mere ignorance on the part of the writer. It is a studied process designed to attack the whole method of intelligence as it applies to education, and the solution of prob lems in our society. It is based upon the theory that an oft-repeated gross misstatement will be accepted by a large number of innocent people. Many people hearing these comments so fre quently believe that since they are stated so often and not immediately repudiated they must be so. Freedom depends on the method of intelligence. Public schools have been established and an educational system developed in order that our people might know how to seek the truth. The scientific method, the method of intel ligence, has been and is our accepted process for seeking the truth. Antiintellectualism thus attacks the very foundations of freedom. Those who employ it know exactly what they are doing. They are seeking to destroy the democratic process. And they know that an attack upon the public school sys tem is an attack upon one of freedom’s most vital foundations. It is important in dealing with these attacks to help our people understand that it is not only education that is being attacked but our free society itself. 451 1953 Reprinted from E d u c a tio n a l L e ad ersh ip VoI. X. No. 7 �Iso la tio n ism A second characteristic of many of the attacks is their fundamental isola tionist character. Quite often there is severe resistance to teaching about Un esc o or the United Nations. U n e s c o may be charged with being under Communist influence and the United Nations may be accused of ad vocating world government and sacri ficing the sovereignty of the United States. These attacks upon the study of international understanding in our schools are, of course, a part of a larger attack now being made upon the Unit ed Nations and U n e s c o throughout the length and breadth of the country. Such attacks certainly are an anach ronistic characteristic of present day America. We have elected a new president who has expressed unequivocal support of the United Nations and a clear com mitment to the assumption of full re sponsibility by the United States in world affairs. Our new president has named as secretary of state an outstand ing advocate of America’s international responsibility. He has named as a rep resentative to the United Nations a United States Senator whose thinking is in international directions. In the period since the war we have expended billions of dollars in foreign aid and otherwise in meeting our international responsibilities. The United Nations is located in the United States— New in York City. It is financially and morally supported by our government. As a people we have put much of our faith in peace and security, on the effective functioning of the United Nations. It would seem that the American educa tional system could do little else but support American efforts in these direc tions as it is generally assumed it will support other aspects of American gov ernment and American policy. Yet 452 schools are attacked for teaching about the United Nations and for participa ting in the activities of U n e s c o . Here again we have an example of the irre sponsible character of many of the cur rent attacks upon education. In this instance as in many others the design of the attack is to weaken the founda tions of our free society. C haracter A ssassin ation A third characteristic of the attacks is the repeated use of the technique of character assassination. In a nearby community a new attack has broken out against one of our outstanding school systems. In this instance two local organizations have joined hands in charging that about a dozen of the teachers in the school system are Com munists or fellow-travelers. If an in vestigation were made, I am sure it would show that none of these teachers is even remotely connected with Com munism, that all of them hate every form of totalitarianism, and that all of them are doing everything they can every day to prepare citizens who will be effective in maintaining a free so ciety. The question may well be asked— if this is the case, why are the charges made? I venture to say that at some time or other the teachers in question have supported public housing, equal rights for Negroes, federal aid to edu cation, support of the United Nations, and perhaps expressed themselves fa vorably concerning the TVA. Few of us can believe that the moving spirits in the current attacks on education seriously believe that they will locate any considerable number of Commu nists in the American school system. They are really not after Communists but after people who, through the years, have supported the American tradition, people who believe in freedom of speech, a free educational system and Ed u c a t io n a l L e a d e r s h ip a gradual process of economic, political and social democratization for our country. The anti-intellectualism, the resort to militant isolationism and the char acter assassination all have the purpose of misleading our people, throwing fear into the hearts of teachers and destroy ing public confidence not only in edu cation but in our whole democratic system. These techniques have been used over and over again in European countries where totalitarianism of one form or another has taken over. Those of us who have observed the Nazis, the Fascists and the Communists at work know exactly what the techniques are; and by now the results of such tech niques are matters of history. We have an obligation to lay bare the nature of these attacks— helping our people to see what lies behind them and pointing out clearly what their effects are likely to be if they continue unanswered. R em ed y: T ea c h in g S o cia l R esp o n sib ility The remedy for the situation is to make every school an outstanding ex ample of the democratic process. In it we must constantly teach the method of intelligence, both by example and by Ap r il 1953 word of mouth. We must ever engage in an earnest, sincere search for truth. Our boys and girls must be taught to meet their social responsibilities both at home and abroad, by meeting their social responsibilities now. We must make a world-wide approach to the solution of our problems and not make a narrow provincial attack upon them. Finally we must emphasize in every possible way the sacredness of individ ual human personality. We must help boys and girls and men and women to see that any person’s good name is his most sacred possession and that any one who wantonly and irresponsibly de stroys another person's good name is committing an offense not only against the person in question but against the very foundations of our free society. In the months and years to come we in the profession will need to think clear ly, act wisely and ally ourselves with our friends in the larger community. The life of freedom is at stake and we have the obligation as prime defenders of freedom to warn our citizens against hazards to freedom and to join with them not only in its defense but in its further development. Ernest O. Melby, — dean, School of Education, New York University. 453 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Listening Post, What is Behind the Attacks on Education?, April 1953, Reprinted from Educational Leadership Volume 10 Number 7 Description An account of the resource Article examining the characteristics of attacks against education. 2 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Educational Leadership 1953-04 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_42 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/24f89b98dd5ab3119d38b0586f783326.pdf 12b062cdbe55560087c491257611d338 PDF Text Text The Listening Post Column Editor: C. G len Hass C o n trib u to r: Ernest O . M elby What Is Behind the Attacks on Education? VICIOUS attacks on education are now an old story to all of us. The pattern of the attacks is quite the same in all sections of the country. The argu ments and charges made are now be coming threadbare with repetition. They have been answered time and again by those in daily contact with our educational system. Parents who frequently visit schools and members of parent-teacher associations who are familiar with the work of our schools know that the charges are false and that they are, in many instances, ex amples of the “big lie” technique. Most of us, however, have been so busy meeting the attacks that we have not had time to examine the philo sophical structure out of which they come. In this column, we shall call attention to three striking character istics of these vicious criticisms. A n ti-in te lle c tu a lism In many cases the vicious charges against education are prime examples of anti-intellectualism. Quite often the article or speech attacking education will begin by misstating the philosophy of John Dewey or William Heard Kil patrick or perhaps with a distortion of the philosophy of progressive or mod ern education. Thus John Dewey is said to advocate a thought control pat tern of education; Kilpatrick is charged with advocating socialistic or “pink” education and some curious process is utilized to show a supposed connection between communism and progressive education. Any careful thinker who would read the contributions of Ap r il Dewey and Kilpatrick or the basic lit erature regarding progressive education would, of course, instantly conclude that the critic in question has com pletely distorted the meaning of what these men have written and the under lying philosophy of progressive educa tion. This process of distortion is no accident or result of mere ignorance on the part of the writer. It is a studied process designed to attack the whole method of intelligence as it applies to education, and the solution of prob lems in our society. It is based upon the theory that an oft-repeated gross misstatement will be accepted by a large number of innocent people. Many people hearing these comments so fre quently believe that since they are stated so often and not immediately repudiated they must be so. Freedom depends on the method of intelligence. Public schools have been established and an educational system developed in order that our people might know how to seek the truth. The scientific method, the method of intel ligence, has been and is our accepted process for seeking the truth. Antiintellectualism thus attacks the very foundations of freedom. Those who employ it know exactly what they are doing. They are seeking to destroy the democratic process. And they know that an attack upon the public school sys tem is an attack upon one of freedom’s most vital foundations. It is important in dealing with these attacks to help our people understand that it is not only education that is being attacked but our free society itself. 1953 451 R e p r in te d fr o m Ed u c a t io n a l Lea d er s h ip V o l. X , No. 7 �Iso la tio n ism A second chara cte ristic o f m any o f the attacks is th e ir fu n d a m e n ta l isola tio n is t character. Q u ite o fte n there is severe resistance to teaching a b o u t U n esc o or th e U n ite d N a tions. U n e s c o m ay be charged w ith being u n d e r C o m m u n is t in flu e n ce and the U n ite d N a tio n s m ay be accused o f ad vo ca tin g w o rld g o ve rn m e n t a n d sacri fic in g the sovereignty o f the U n ite d States. These attacks u p o n th e study o f in te rn a tio n a l u n d e rs ta n d in g in o u r schools are, o f course, a p a rt o f a la rg e r a tta c k n o w be in g m ade u p o n the U n it ed N a tio n s a n d U n e s c o th ro u g h o u t the le n g th and b re a d th o f the c o u n try. Such attacks c e rta in ly are an anach r o n is tic c h aracteristic o f present day A m erica. W e have elected a new p re sid e n t w h o has expressed u n e q u iv o c a l s u p p o rt o f the U n ite d N a tio n s and a clear com m itm e n t to the assum ption o f f u ll re s p o n s ib ility by the U n ite d States in w o rld affairs. O u r new p resid ent has nam ed as secretary o f state an o u ts ta n d in g advocate o f A m erica's in te rn a tio n a l re s p o n s ib ility . H e has nam ed as a re p resentative to the U n ite d N a tio n s a U n ite d States Senator whose t h in k in g is in in te rn a tio n a l d irectio ns. I n the p e rio d since the w a r we have expended b illio n s o f d o lla rs in fo re ig n a id and otherw ise in m e e tin g o u r in te rn a tio n a l re sp o n sib ilitie s . T h e U n ite d N a tio n s is lo cate d in th e U n ite d States—in N e w Y o rk C ity . I t is fin a n c ia lly and m o ra lly s u p p o rte d b y o u r gove rnm ent. As a people we have p u t m u ch o f o u r fa ith in peace and security, on the effective fu n c tio n in g o f the U n ite d N a tio n s . I t w o u ld seem th a t the A m e rica n educa tio n a l system co u ld do lit t le else b u t s u p p o rt A m e ric a n efforts in these d ire c tions as i t is ge n e ra lly assumed i t w ill s u p p o rt o th e r aspects o f A m e ric a n gov e rn m e n t and A m e rica n p o lic y . Yet 452 schools are attacke d fo r te aching a b o u t the U n ite d N a tio n s and fo r p a rtic ip a tin g in the a c tiv itie s o f U n e s c o . H e re again we have an exam ple o f the ir r e sponsible character o f m any o f the c u r re n t attacks u p o n edu cation. I n this instance as in m any others the design o f the atta c k is to weaken the fo u n d a tions o f o u r free society. C haracter A ssassin ation A t h ir d c h aracteristic o f the attacks is the repeated use o f the te c h n iq u e o f character assassination. I n a nearby c o m m u n ity a new atta c k has b roken o u t against one o f o u r o u ts ta n d in g school systems. I n th is instance tw o local organizations have jo in e d hands in ch a rg in g th a t a b o u t a dozen o f the teachers in the school system are C o m m unists o r fellow -travelers. I f an in vestiga tion were made, I am sure it w o u ld show th a t none o f these teachers is even re m o te ly connected w ith C o m m unism , th a t a ll o f them hate every fo rm o f to ta lita ria n is m , and th a t a ll o f them are d o in g e ve ry th in g they can every day to prepare citizens w h o w ill be effective in m a in ta in in g a free so ciety. T h e q ue stion m ay w e ll be asked—if th is is the case, w h y are the charges made? I ve n tu re to say th a t a t some tim e o r o th e r the teachers in que stion have s u pp orted p u b lic hou sing, equal rig h ts fo r Negroes, federal a id to edu cation , s u p p o rt o f the U n ite d N a tions, and perhaps expressed themselves fa v o ra b ly co n c e rn in g the T V A . Few o f us can believe th a t the m o v in g s p irits in the c u rre n t attacks on edu cation seriously believe th a t they w i ll locate any considerable n u m b e r o f C o m m u nists in the A m e ric a n school system. T h e y are re a lly n o t a fte r C o m m unists b u t a fte r people w ho, th ro u g h the years, have s u p p o rte d the A m e ric a n tra d itio n , people w h o believe in freedom o f speech, a free e d u c a tio n a l system and Ed u c a t io n a l L e a d e r s h ip a g ra d u a l process o f econom ic, p o litic a l and social d e m o c ra tiz a tio n fo r o u r coun try. T h e a n ti-in te lle c tu a lis m , the resort to m ilit a n t is o la tio n is m and the char acter assassination a ll have the purpose o f m is le a d in g o u r people, th ro w in g fear in to the hearts o f teachers and destroy in g p u b lic confidence n o t o n ly in edu c a tio n b u t in o u r w h o le dem ocratic system. These techniques have been used over and ov e r again in E uropean c oun tries w here to ta lita ria n is m o f one fo rm o r a n o th e r has taken over. Tho se o f us w h o have observed the Nazis, the Fascists and the C o m m unists a t w o rk k n o w exa c tly w h a t the techniques are; and by n o w the results o f such tech niques are m atters o f histo ry. W e have an o b lig a tio n to la y bare the n a tu re o f these attacks—h e lp in g o u r people to see w h a t lies b e h in d th e m and p o in tin g o u t c le a rly w h a t th e ir effects are lik e ly to be i f they c o n tin u e unanswered. R em ed y : T ea c h in g S o cia l R esp o n sib ility T h e rem edy fo r the s itu a tio n is to m ake every school an o u ts ta n d in g ex am ple o f the d e m o c ra tic process. I n i t we m ust con s ta n tly teach the m eth o d o f in te llig e n c e , b o th b y exam ple and by Ap r il 1953 w o rd o f m o u th . W e m ust ever engage in an earnest, sincere search fo r tru th . O u r boys a n d g irls m u s t be ta u g h t to m eet th e ir social re s p o n s ib ilitie s b o th a t hom e a n d abroad, b y m e e tin g th e ir social re s p o n s ib ilitie s now . W e m ust m ake a w o rld -w id e a pp roa ch to the s o lu tio n o f o u r p roblem s a n d n o t m ake a n a rro w p ro v in c ia l a tta c k u p o n them . F in a lly we m ust em phasize in every possible w ay the sacredness o f in d iv id u a l h u m a n p e rso n a lity. W e m u st h e lp boys and g irls and m en a n d w o m en to see th a t any person’s good nam e is his m ost sacred possession and th a t any one w h o w a n to n ly a n d irre s p o n s ib ly de stroys a n o th e r person’s good nam e is c o m m ittin g an offense n o t o n ly against the person in que stio n b u t against the very fo u n d a tio n s o f o u r free society. I n the m o n th s and years to come we in the profession w i ll need to t h in k clear ly, act w isely a n d a lly ourselves w ith o u r frie n d s in th e la rg e r co m m u n ity . T h e life o f free dom is a t stake and we have th e o b lig a tio n as p rim e defenders o f freedom to w a rn o u r citizens against hazards to free dom and to jo in w ith them n o t o n ly in its defense b u t in its fu rth e r de ve lo p m e n t .—E r n e s t O . M e l b y , dean, School o f E d u c a tio n , N e w Y o rk U n iv e rs ity . 453 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Listening Post, What is Behind the Attacks on Education?, April 1953, Reprinted from Educational Leadership Volume 10 Number 7 Description An account of the resource Article examining the characteristics of attacks against education. 2 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Educational Leadership 1953-04 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_41 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/344047755225443b33b0223123227c48.pdf c3586a4b0558a28dc73572103411eb61 PDF Text Text "Congressional Investigators, Communism and Ci.ristis.ns" Today I ask you to give your attention, as Christians, to the current issues of con gressional investigators, and the Communists. Many headlines tell us of church and churchmen's pronouncements on the subject. X am convinced that our national fuzzi ness about religion in general has made many churchmen and church groups fuzzy about this subject in particular. So, come, let's dive in. Everyone's doing it. Every one ought to, in fact. We might as well begin with Senator McCarthy instead of leading up slowly or hiding behind abstractions. What about the Junior Senator from Wisconsin? More particu larly, and far more important, what about his support for his work? You know how peopl feel about him. Some are for him and his work. Among these are real reactionaries, and super patriots. But also among those who are for him, are persons who believe that Communism has been criminally underrated. Sen. McCarthy has a lare consent - if not public approval - among some very thoughtful people. Some are against him and his work. The great, liberal wing of the USA sees in his general outlook and inves tigative techniques a terrible peril, even the worst peril of the hour. My first point is to suggest that there is serious thought, by people who are not fools, on both sides. If the pro arid anti camps would realize how sober some of their opponents' judgments are, controversy might become more than utter disgust met by insult. My second suggestion is this! the real issue of the day is not McCarthyism and its techniques. If we could ever set McCarthyism in the right context, find the problem for which it is a surface symptom, we'd be a long way to a new national maturity. In other words, if we could only see the religious issues surrounding the contro versy - beneath the civil rights, or political line-up, or questions of medals and opportunism - we'd be seeing the total problem in its widest reaches and depths. You want to shoot where the enemy is - not at decoys, or nuisances. My third point is this: the best way to get into the religious under-problem is to look at the devil McCarthy claims he's after - Communism. In your attitude toward Sen. McCarthy and his movement, so much depends on how you evaluate the thing he claims to attack. What would you answer if you had only a couple of sentences to sum up what Communism is? What is the essential nature of Communism? Well it is an economic theory; it is a philosophy of history and the nature of man and society} it is an international revolutionary movement; it is a screen for Russian imperialism; it is a rallying point for the dispossessed and the frustrated and the panic-stricken and the power hungry. All these, yes. Granted it is partly these, each one, and merits study and decision on each point. But, in its entirety, understood in the large, Communism is much more than these or their sum. Basically, Communism is a universal religion. It is a universal religion with all the claims and powers and fanaticism of a universal religion. (And here, I must add, for Christian balance, that introvert, fanatical Fascisms too can turn religious and wreck us and the world we Christians should want. The everlasting enemy is fanatical idolatries of any kind. Communism happens to be the worst religious idolatry around right now.) �How can we Christians get the American people to understand what we mean by "religion" We mean the aims and fears and loves that most profoundly move individuals and groups. But most Americans can't think of religion except as a dipaFoment~oi preferences, of interest to some but not essential for anyone. Do you understand this volcano called religion. Brethren? I wonder. Do you understand, ibr instance, the religious wars of history, as religious? Or can you only recall what in all likelihood you were taught in school or college, that all religious wars are really just political, or economic? If you still think that is true, you will never, never understand Communist Of course, -there are all kinds of political and economic ana cultural angles to any chunk of history, but if you can understand the demonic power unleashed in a holy war, then and then only can you understand the full power of Communism. And if you cannot, you will always he duped by Communism, one way or another. You can scoff at its philosophy, disagree with its economic theory, brand it as imperialism, claim it can not take root amid plenty, or that enough counter-gangsterism will stop it cold - all perhaps with some truth. But, if you don't understand Communism as a universal re ligion, jin'll be a dupe, a sucker for it, one way or another, no matter how "antiCommunist" you can claim to be. Communism is a universal, demonxc', anti-CErishian religion that has been gulped into the faith-vacuum of the Twentieth Century world. Right now it is "possessing," making absolute fanatics out of those who control one third of the earth. If we do not understand this we are dupes. And if we do not see also what follows we are fools: The only power that can whip a religion is another religion. The only power that can conquer a belief-possession is a more powerful belief-possession. The only force that can force out a fanatically-held world-view is another world-view capable of at least equal fanatical support. You cannot conquer a religiously-possessed movement just by information, napalm bombs, clearer ideas, clever diplomacy or organized com mon sense - though you may use all these. Religious possession is all that can con quer religious possession. That, Brethren, I submit to you is the framework, the 'back-ground' for the present crisis. I believe no Christian should think of so-called "KcCarthyism" without having this always in mind. Turn, now, and look at the American scene. Once this religious depth is sensed, take a look at what purports to oppose Communism over here. Y f o are the anti-Communists ih in the DSA? (1) First, there's reactionary, anti-Communism. Its symbol is Senator McCarthy. But go on to ask the basic question: what is the religious drive underneath? (If you agree with me, this is the most essential question to ask about "McCarthyism.") It's a combination of isolationist nationalism, super Americanism, militaristic "BastionUSA" faith. It's a nationalistic faith. Now, remember, nationalism is a religious power. It is a power that can have deep affinities with religious fanaticism. Nationalism can become a counter-religion when it is threatened or soared - and the last few centuries certainly give plenty of proof for that. The power that underlies this frenzied investigative movement may be good or bad as you will, but it's a pos sessing faith that can make men fanatics. At least - you might say - it is a warrior going out to meet another warrior, and not a little hoy with a spelling prize and a Yo-Yo and earnest, honest intentions. Suspend your like or dislike, for the moment; - at least what Messrs. McCarthy, Velde, Jenner represent has all the hot-passionpower in its resources that characterizes missionary religion. (2) Yfhat else opposes Communism in the USA? There's the Roman Church and the Funda mentalist Protestants. What are their symbols? The Fortress Church and the Infal lible Eook. But go on to ask the basic question: what is the religious drive undernaath? Simple: fundamentally both are the same - an absolute conviction float there iSTan owner of the universe and world history, and that that Lord has selected a believing people to proclaim His infallible commands. These kinds of religious folk �sense the counter-threat, they feel the religious depths of Communism. Their two ways of fighting are not alike, of course; but they do basically agree that we face Armageddon, the final war, with the last issues clearly drawn. They sense the demonidepths of the attack. Any they, too, have the capacities for fanatical counter--* attack. They, too, can become religiously "seized," "possessed," in their resistance Very much of the support for Senator McCarthy, or the apathy toward resisting him, comes from these. Many of them clearly see that one kind of freedom is being threate: by "MoCarthyism's" techniques, but they also know that the Communists wreck all free dom 100$. (3) And -what else opposes Communism? The latter-day liberals. What is their symbol? Probably Adlai Stevenson. But ask the basic question again: what is the religious drive underneath the modern liberal? Yes, just what is it? Is there any at all? And here I believe is the give-away. Only ideals, - fine ideals, good ideals, noble ideals, but only ideals. Am I cheapening the case for the typical modern liberal when I say that he is motivated by just two things: 1. idealism about how fine world brotherhood would be, and 2. a one-sided preoccupation with the ideal of personal freedom? Who would really criticize these ideas? Aren't they fine, and needed? Shouldn't we all be haunted by them and kept at work to realize them? Probably so. But what mate!, are ideals for men and movements possessed by demons at the religious depths? For instance, there just is no religious depth to the fight for mere freedom. The religious depths lie beneath just freedom. W hat is freedom for? That is the religious dimension behind the freedom issue. Freedom for what, to do what, to be That, to achieve what, to go where? Only a cause beneath freedom can sustain freedom. "Freedom to be what you choose" is the motto of group-destroying individualism. It has no lasting militant group appeal whatsoever, no power of group-possession of itself at all. Just a "free" America has no survival power. Communism, any militant, religious movement, thrives on the freedom, just the freedom, of its enemies t To fight just for freedom is like fighting a sea battle in a leaking ship with no rudder or power. As for the typical liberals' great ideal of brotherhood, this should be said (and would that Christians would see its): there's a world of difference in thinking all men are already brothers, needing only to be told they are, and properly organized; and in seeing men as fratricidal creatures who need to be captured by a religious faith in order to become brothers. One is human istic idealism; the other is Christian realism. One has only a pious, glowing hope behind it; the other has all the drive and zeal of a total religious possession and commitment. Which would you say can justly assess and then go about licking a fanatical religious enemy? That, as I see it, is the anti-Comraunist picture in our land - oversimplified but, I think, true enough. Mow, it happens, Brethren, that we are in an age of religious wars. The fact is that a great section of our nation is trying to fight a militant, this-worldly, universal religion with ideals I And there are many determined men who sense this futile, un equal fight. They are not all openly in the "McCartbyism" camp, but they often look like allies of "McCarthyism" because they, too, profoundly distrust the liberal in tellectuals and all mere good-will groups. Many of them are very much afraid of losing some basic American civil liberties - but they are more afraid of losing the whole nation to total tyranny where you can't even hope for any liberty. They refuse to let idealists (what "Time" magazine recently called "gnostics") run the battle. These men fiercely, and b y many methods, lash out to expose the weakness of just �idealism in this battle age. The methods they use - or condone - are like the methods of total war - and are distasteful, as total war is, especially to those who believe life can be warless. (I must say here that I personally think congres sional investigators should be rigorously limited.) Sut, for the sake of the whole heritage of the Christian civilizations, don't lose sight of the basic problem and peril just because religious warfare is very nasty. X. The problem for America is: in this religious war? will she wake up and realistically take her part II. The peril is, that in choosing her weapons, she may either pick idealism, which is helpless, - or, the wrong religion. In the face of this problem and this peril, I suggest with the sincerest hope I know, that we do have reserves of religious power that might guide our nation. There is a religious power that might steer us firmly, patiently through this era of religious wars, where, for the first time in human history, no war can be really won by anyone. It is what you might call "Central" Christianity - neither Homan, nor Fundamentalist, nor any watered-down, Unitarian compromise. X mean the kind of Christianity that we here can represent if we will be about our real business; the kind other, non-Roman, non-Fundamentalist types can represent, too. "Central" Christianity might give to Reaction what it needs: allow reactionaries the exercise of full religious passion and commitment, but also guide them away from just utter retreat; support conservatives in their struggle to preserve the heritage, without letting them turn us into a nation of monuments, anqiquarians and calcified conformity. "Central" Christianity might give to Romans and Fundamentalism what they need; build on their holy war impulses, but soften Roman Catholicism with some humility about its being an infallible fortress, and awaken Fundamentalism to some rele vant contact to modern situations (read the headlines and not just read and spout the Bible, so to speak). "Central" Christianity might give to Liberalism what it must have to get depthpassion enough to meet its religious enemies. It can give liberalism the beliefpossession that only comes from a total religious faith, - anchoring its floating idealism in a religiously-believed doctrine of man and history, and motivate its man-centered sentimentality with the love of Christ our God Conservatives with vision; authoritarian Churches with humility and relevance; the liberals with good religious passion - do you think, Brethren, that such a combination in our land can stand up to any Anti-Christ, and deal well with him? I do. And pray God it may be so. 15 March 1 9 5 3 St. Mary's Church, Arlington Parish, Va. The Rev. G. F. Tittmann, Rector P.S. from the Preacher for the printed version: NO sermon that says something clearly can also say everything that should be said. Nothing in this sermon is intended to condone the methods of religious fanatics, encourage Christians to make easy alliance with all "anti Communists," libel other Churches, or suggest some American fascism might not be a greater domestic danger than Communism. This purports to be an analysis of the religious dimension of the current situation. For further and full enlightenment, come to St. Mary's next Sunday'. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Congressional Investigators, Communism and Christians Description An account of the resource Typed sermon by Rev. G. F. Tittmann of St. Mary's Church, Arlington Parish, March 15, 1953. Sermon discusses opposing communism as a religious issue. 4 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Rev. G. F. Tittmann 1953-03-15 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_37 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/85ec10ab3b2ecf7ddc339ca86619771e.pdf 5b5a31f5e3cac3bdf4b936387620e3b3 PDF Text Text ' February 4? 1953 AMERICAN ASSOCIATION OF UNIVERSIT1 WOMEN ' Arlington Branch Education Study Group Report Within the past few months there has been an increasing number of statements expressing doubt as to some of the material found in the Arlington textbooks« With one exception, these charges have been vague and general in character. The six textbooks under attack (Social Living, Landis & Landis 5 Your Life in a Democracy, Revised, Brown; A History of Our Country, Muzzey; American Government, Magruder; Building of Our Nation, Barker, Commager & Webb; Modern Economics, Corbett & Colvin) are said to be "socialistic” or "communistic" or "collectivisitic" or "slanted" toward one or all of these undesirable things. During the first week in December a letter was printed in the Arlington D a i l y Sun signed by one B. M. Miller listing for the first and only time specific quotations which "prove" that these six textbooks are "slanted toward socialism and collectivism". The sub-committee has examined each of these references and a detailed report is attached. In no case have we attempted to evaluate the total book. We have simply endeavored to ’ check the only publicized specific references anyone in Arlington has made to undesirable material in our school books. In most cases we have done that. Where page numbers are erroneous or non existent, we managed to track down most of the quotations through the index, and by reading those sections of the book which might contain, in the minds of some, objectionable material. Of the eighteen direct quotations offered by Mr. Miller as "proof" of this alien .slant, only five* were found to be accurate in the sense that the actual words were actually found in the textbook, and that the meaning of the sentence was not changed by the surrounding material. In the opinion of the sub-committee, none of these five quotations prove much of anything unless it is that the world has changed in the past twenty five years. The other quotations which we managed to locate were falsifications and distortions. Either qualifying material given with the sentence was omitted in order to present a false impression, or the sentence itself was perverted, twisted and mutilated to give a meaning never intended by the author. It is the opinion of the sub-committee that Mr. Miller’s charges to date have no basis and deserve no further consideration. *In the detailed report, these quotations are indicated by an asterisk in the margin. (over) �BITILBIWG OF OUR_NATION - Barker, Commager & Webb 1950 edition This is the only edition of this book ever used in the Arlington schools. * MILLER QUOTES; "The Constitution is all a compromise." (p. 72) THE BOOK SAYS? There is no such reference on page 72. On page 80, the sentence is found, very nearly as Mr. Miller quotes it. MILLER QUOTES8 "The Constitution gave the Federal government general . powers." Ip. 362) THE BOOK. SAYS g Mo statement resembling this was found in the book. All chapters dealing with the Constitution and Federal powers were read. All indexed references were carefully checked. MILLER QUOTES;: Page 212, 215-16, "The Supreme Court was established to strengthen the Federal government and nationalism. Nationalism is not patriotism." THE BOOK SAYS; No such statements page 99 there are these sentences; describe the growth of the feeling •nationalism1 means pride in one’s defend it. It is another word for were found on the pages given. On "The purpose of this chapter is to of union and nationalism. The word nation and willingness to serve and patriotism." On page.101, there is a section entitled "The Courts Strengthen Onion and the Constitution". There is a discussion of the effect of 1 hn Marshall as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and these sentences are found, "Marshall was a Federalist and believed in a strong national government. He carried his beliefs with him to the Supreme Court and decided many of the oases that came before the Court in such a way as to strengthen the power of the national government." MILLER QUOTES; "child labor is our most glaring evil (p. 560)" THE BOOK SAYS; There is no page 560 in the book, the last page of which fe .lumbered 368. On page 254- is a section entitled "Protection for Children." It begins as follows: "Perhaps the most glaring evil in our industrial system was child labor. All through the nineteenth century industry and business following the practice of hiring children, because it was thought that this wan cheaper than hiring grownups." The section goes on to give a brief resume* of the history of the struggle to eliminate child labor and ends with the conclusion that because of the state laws that have been passed a Constitutional amendment is probably not necessary. It is quite clear that the sentence misquoted by Mr. Miller deals with conditions as they existed in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. MILLER QUOTES; "immigration tended to lower the American standard of living (p. 543), but later immigrants are raising the standard of living." THE BOOK SAYS; There is no page 543. On page 251 are these sentences; "The fourth factor which influenced labor in the modern period was largescale immigration. We shall study in Chapter XIX the history of immigra tion to the United States. It is sufficient here to notice that the coming of millions of immigrants caused a lowering of the standards of labor." - 2- �No sentence was located, which even by distortion could be made to fit the second half of Mr. Miller's "quotation." MILLER QUOTESg "Sick benefits, pensions and workmen's compensation cannot be won In individual i n d u s t r i e s ( p . 559) THE BOOK SAYSs There is no page 559« On page 253 > in a Chapter on "The Growth of Labor Problems", these sentences are founds "The strike is a strong weapon in a conflict between the laborers and the employers in a single industryo But it is not a suitable way of dealing with broad ques tions that concern workers in all industry• It is not a successful way of dealing with such questions as child labor, workmen's compensation, un employment, sick benefits, and old-age retirement pensions. Reforms in these matters cannot be won in individual industries, but must apply to the whole industrial system and must be enforced by law." v . g This book is exhaustively indexed which was fortunate since all iT ■ Mr. M5.11er‘s page references were wrong. The chapters dealing with the : > formation of our government, the writing of our Constitution, and the early years of our present form of government were carefully read. There were over twenty references to the Constitution listed in the index. These were checked. None of these were subversive, socialistic, collectivistic, dis respectful or offensive in any way. In a similar manner, the chapters and references on labor and immigration were checked. Two of Mr. Miller's references could not be found at all. Four of Mr. Miller's references were falsifications cf what appeared in the text. Whether the distortions were deliberate or a result of hasty and uncomprehensive reading is not clear. One of Mr. Miller's references was correct. SOCIAL LIVING - Landis & Landis, 194-9 edition * * * MILLER QUOTES g Page 168, "More and more we are looking to the government to provide the kind of protection and services required to guarantee the masses of citizens food, shelter, and health, as well as political"freedom? Here is how we are "served" by a "strong" government? "Government not only regu lates us, but also-serves us. The things that we pay for with taxes are provided by government and usually are provided more cheaply than they could be by private persons." (p. 176) "In a capitalistic system wealth tends to gravitate into the hands of large corporations or of very successful in dividuals." (p. 172) THE BOOK SAYS? All three of these sentences are to be found in a chapter dealing with the growth of governmental functions, both state and national, over the past twenty years. The social laws which have been enacted during that period are discussed. The thinking which led to increased government service is pointed out. The fact that this trend is regarded by some people as socialistic or communistic is also pointed out. There is a section en titled "Too Much Government Service Creates Problems." (p. 174) (over) -3- �CQMjffiMTSs This hook is used in "Problems of Democracy," a state required twelfth grade course. No such course could omit the changes which have taken place during the past twenty years. The statements chosen oy Mr. Miller from the book are displeasing to some persons but generally regarded as factual when read in complete context. Our Schools cannot and should not be expected to teach our students that the laws of the land, now on the statute books, are "socialistic" or "communistic" or "Unamerican" when, in fact, they are completely "American," stemming as they do from the actions of our Congress, duely elected by the people of the various states. Since the social changes and reforms of the past twenty years were enacted by the Congress, it seems that the remedy for them, if they require remedy, is to be found in the same place, and not in the school textbooks. MODERN ECONOMICS - Corbett & Colvin MILLER QUOTESs Page 557, "The following pages outline a program for economic planning in America." "The entire plan is based upon the assumption that the basic principles of democracy and capitalism will be retained." "(The student is encouraged to reject, modify or supplement any of the suggestions." THE BOOK SAYSi "The following pages outline a program for economic planning in America. The suggestions offered represent the ideas and plans of a number of progressive historians and economists. The student who is interested in the sources of these suggestions will find a list of books at the end of the unit. "The entire plan is based upon the assumption that the basic principles of democracy and capitalism will be retained. Each part of the program suggests an evolution of existing institutions within the legal framework of our Constitution. These suggestions are, of course, not final solutions. In the past, our economic and political problems have been solved by compromises which considered the conflicting and diverse views and interests of many thinking Americans. The program which follows should be subjected to careful analysis and criticism by the teacher and the class. Our demo cratic traditions provide for honest differences of opinion. The student is encouraged to reject, modify, or supplement any of the suggestions. We hope that a study of the program will provide many a lively hour of discussion and debate." * MILLER QUOTES8 "Approximate estimates prepared by the Federal Trade Commission tend to show that one perdent of the people own 59 percent of the wealth or property of the country." (p. 4-01) THE HOOK SAYS8 Mr. Miller1s reference is entirely accurate. COMMENTS g This is a technical economics text and would require careful reading % a qualified economist before a valid judgment could be made on it. There are only 18 copies of this book in the school system. It is regarded as much too difficult for the average high school student and is used only as supple mentary material for the student who has a special interest in the field. I -4- �4 AMERICAN GOVERfWENT - 1950 Magruder MILLER QUOTES; "Suffrage and personal liberty are inconsistent in a democracy." (p. 643) The author replaces old personal liberties with new civil liberties, (p. 644)* The old liberties encourage ignorance, disease, crime and political dishonesty. The remedy is compulsion. THE BOOK SAYSi "the welfare and the prosperity of the community are of sufficient importance for each individual to be willing to surrender somewhat of his liberty, somewhat of his independence, to secure the desired end. "Suffrage and personal liberty are inconsistent in a successful democracy. If a majority of votes can compel those who are industrious and frugal to contribute to free schools, free libraries, free hospitals, free orphanages, widows.* pensions, and old-age pensions for the poor, should not a majority have a right to compel children to attend school, to forbid reckless driving, a. •' to forbid, the sale of intoxicating liquors and narcotics which tend to bring on accidents, orphans, incapacity and poverty? "As individuals we have no right to impose restrictions on others, but in a democratic society where ta^ces are paid for the benefit of all, is it not reasonable to require all to conform to conduct which will contribute to the general welfare?" Following this discussion, there is a table indicating that certain "Old Personal Liberties", such as not going to school, selling milk from tubercular cows, speeding, buying narcotics, owning a slave, etc., have been replaced through laws and regulations, by what Magruder terms "New Civil Liberties" - the greater good for the greater number. MILLER QUOTES; The Russian veto is merely Russia*s "safeguard for her minority views on basic matters concerning which the democratic nations would overwhelmingly outvote her." (p. 714) THE BOOK SAYS; There is no such statement on page 714« On page 712 there is a section entitled "The United Nations Operates Under the Handicap of the Veto." These short paragraphs are founds "When the United Nations Charter was written in 1945, our1 Govern ment insisted on the veto. At the San Francisco Conference it proposed the present wording of the veto provision to the Soviet Government as a means of securing adherence by that country to the United Nations Charter and as a means of assuring ratification by the United States Senate. "Russia sees the veto as her most valuable safeguard for her minority views on basic matters concerning which the democratic nations would overwhelmingly outvote her. During the first two years the Soviet Government used the veto in the Security Council 21 times." These paragraphs are illustrated with a New York Times cartoon en titled "The Road Block" showing the veto blocking the World’s road to peace. (over) -5- �COMMENTSg M r 0 Miller’s first set of quotes are sentences and words wrenched out of context and twisted to mean something not intended by the author* Mr. Magruder’s writing through this section is not clear but a reasonably attentive reader of the text will conclude that he is restating, but not very well, one of our basic concepts5 that each must sacrifice something as a price for peace ful community living,, Mr. Miller’s second quote is a sentence which, taken by itself carries a "poor abused Russia" feelingo Placed in its proper position with the sentences before and after it, it does nothing of the sort* YOUR LIFE IN A DEMOCRACY - Revised Brown MILLER QUOTES? "Much of the credit for protecting us so well from contagion belongs to the Federal government„" no page number given* THE BOOK SAYSg Page 154, "Much of the credit for protecting us so well from contagion belongs to the federal government, for its careful work in examining immigrants, thus halting the dreaded bubonic plague and equally dreaded cholera on our doorstep*" MILLER QUOTESg "Most of the grumbling (over taxes) is not meant too seriously,..* Most citizens realize that they get far more for their money when it is combined with that of other citizens and spent to advance the general welfare than they'could possibly get from spending it as individuals*" no page number given* THE BOOK SAYSg Page 151» "If you have never heard your parents complain about taxes they had to pay, you belong to an unusual family* Few people enjoy paying taxes, though most of the grumbling is not meant too seriously^ it is more or less an American custom. Most citizens realize that they get far more for their money when it is combined with that of other citizens and spent to advance the general w elfare than they could possibly get from spending it as individuals." MILLER SAYSg The Federal government contributes money for State and local services* Only the citizens contribute to the cost of government* "After man had learned to live in communities he found cooperation on a widening scale could be carried out only by introducing more and more government into his social system." No page numbers given* THE BOOK SAYSs Two of Mr* Miller’s statements are not direct quotes and no page numbers are given* The second sentence "Only the citizens contribute to the cost of government." appears to be completely meaningless. The sections of the book dealing with topics under which such ideas might be found were read and found to be innocuous, though dull. COMMENT8 In spite of no page numbers being given, both of Mr* Miller’s directquotations were located* They were not the complete sentences in either case* We are somewhat at a loss to determine what alien ideas are advanced even in the aborted sentences quoted by Mr* Miller* -6- �A HISTORY OF OUR COUNTRY - Muzzey MILLER QUOTE; Page 24-0 "The motto of the Republic is iberty, Democracy and Union. The influx of immigrants then brought about the rise of the common man. Many slanted phrases are used throughout this book such as "Aristocratic pre tensions" "The laboring classes in industrial centers" "The rise of the common man" "The rule of the people." THE BOOK SAYSg statements. There is nothing on page 24-0 resembling any of Mr. Miller's COMMENTSg This book Is 910 pages of fairly fine print. We did not read it all. However, the chapter entitled "The Jacksonian Era" beginning on page 288 contains most of the phrases objected to by Mr. Miller. They appear in the text in the form of quotes taken from the speeches and campaign literature of the time. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource American Association of University Women, Arlington Branch, February 4, 1953, Education Study Group Report Description An account of the resource Report responding to a letter's claim that six Arlington textbooks were "socialistic" in nature (see 19-6-1-1-30). Quotations excerpted in the letter are put into context and defended. 7 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource American Association of University Women, Arlington Chapter 1953-02-04 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_33 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/5205ca8da4a7c934605721df1c63c19d.pdf a8ebb36646bca7041f07417d2cfdbd6e PDF Text Text R e s o l u t i o n passed by the t h e A m e r i c a n Legion held August 25-28 19?2 RESOLUTION NUMBER 211 (ILLINOIS) OnniTnand t h e N E A a n d t h e T e a c h i n g their continued assist a n c e to the P r o g r a m of the A m e r i c a n L e g i o n . WHEREAS, the vast majority has again the American example, ball WHEREAS, the actively the various BE in IT New members the York, IT FURTHER tion of many program school and the National Education affiliates by August the its the Education 1952, teaching have supported subversive Legion that in we and assistance the groups; now convention assembled do profession, Association, great as its hereby thank the their organizations, various state rendered to the Americanism American Legion; and RESOLVED, that various departments among public, attention the against American 25-28, their state fight American for of the country, awards, junior base medal various in States schools, as for in such its of the tfoited sections organizations RESOLVED, affiliates, BE etc.; essay profession and National program in Americanism oratorical Legion of teaching Profession for Americanism^ teacher Association THEREFORE the supported, Legion contests, American of annual convention of in New York C i t y , the of the the private teaching and parochial profession. 4iI 1ff Iih ff circulate this resolu school groups for �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Resolution passed by the annual convention of the American Legion held in New York City, August 25-28, 1952 Description An account of the resource Resolution number 211 to commend the National Education Association and the Teaching Profession for supporting "American Legion Americanism." 2 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource American Legion 1952-08 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_32 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/e6209ea2eaa5a28a80abf6bb377db7dd.pdf c14c235fc4a22c93fe9977b8971faed1 PDF Text Text t Arlington, V a . December 2, 1952 TAX PAYI N G PARENTS: During the paet twenty years text-books have been written, rewritten and revised In accordance w i t h the philosophy of the times. The New Deal Fair Deal has been Instrumental in this Indoctrination of oreeplng Social ism and collectivism Into our minds, lives and school text-books. Many books have been p u r c h a s e d b y school boards strictly on the authors reputation p r ior to 1930 and are not n o w aware that they propa gandize collectivism and socialism. This prop a g a n d a poisons the chllds fertile m i n d against free enterprise, Individualism and patriotism. They teach that the government must own, operate and control everything even the minds and lives of the citizens. World citizenship rather than American citizenship is being promoted b y some so called educational organizations. We cannot wait for the pendulum of thought to swing baok to pre newdeal democracy. We now have a twenty year age span of children and count less adults who believe In government domination and all-out security from the cradle to the grave. This country cannot progress under this foreign socialistic philosophy. We must develop theists, leaders, statesmen, scientists, engineers, ohemlste, metallurgists, dootors and teachers to carry on the great task before us. This cannot be done under the social idology of progressive education. The 3 R's m u s t b e reinstated w hich through 175 years of experience has made America the arsenal of production, the bulwark of democracy and the haven of free men. The following are exerts from six text-books now In use In Virginia schools: Social Living - by Landis & Landis Page 168 - "More and more we are looking to the government to provide the kind of p r otection and services required to guarantee the masses of citizens, food, shelter, and health, as well as political freed o m . " Here Is how we are "Served" by a "Strong" government: "Government not only regulates us, but also serves us. The things that we pay for with taxes are prov i d e d by government and usually are p r o v i d e d more cheaply than they could be by private p e r s o n s . " (p.176) "In a capitalistic system w e a l t h tends to gravitate Into the hands of large corporations or of very successful i n d i v iduals." (p.172) The Building of Our Nation - b y Barker, Commager, Webb "The Constitution Is all a compromise" (p.72); "child labor is our most glaring evil" (p.560); "immigration tended to l ower the American standard of living (p.543), but later Immigrants are raising the standard of living." "Sick benefits, pensions and workmen's compensation cannot be won in indi vidual Industries" (p.559). "The Constitution gave the Federal government general powers." (p.362). Page 212,215-6 - "The Supreme Court was estab lished to strengthen the Federal government and nationalism. Nationalism Is not patriotism. " 1 �A History of O u r Coun t r y - b y D. 3. Muzzey P a g e 240 - The m o tto o f the R e p u b l i c la Liberty, Democracy and Union. The I n f l u x of Immi g r a n t s then b r o u g h t about the rise o f the common man. "Many s l a n t e d p h r a s e s are used thr o u g h o u t this book suoh as "Aristocratic p r e tensions" "The laboring classes In Industrial cent e r s " "The rise of the common man" "The rule of the people. " Y o u r L i f e In A Demo c r a c y - Revised. - b y H o w a r d E. Brown "Much of the c r edit for p r o t e c t i n g us so well f r o m contageon belo n g s to the Federal government". The Federal g o v ernment con t r i b u t e s money for State a n d local services. O n l y the citi z e n s c o n tribute to the cost of government. "After m a n h a d l e a r n e d to l i v e In communities he f ound cooperation o n a wide n i n g scale c ould be c a r r i e d o u t only b y i n t r o d u c i n g more and more g o v e r n m e n t Into his social system. " Modern Economics (Revised Edition) - b y James F. Corbett & M i n n a Colvin P a g e 567 - "The following p a g e s o u t l i n e a p r o g r a m for economic p l a n n i n g in America." "The entire plan is b a s e d upon the a s s umption that the b asio p r i n c i p l e s of demo c r a c y and c a p i t a l i s m will b e r e t a i n e d . " "The student is enc o u r a g e d to reject, m o d i f y o r supplement any of the suggestions." "Approx Imate estimates p r e p a r e d b y the Federal Trade C o m m i s s i o n tend to show that 1 per cent of the p e ople own 59 p e r cent of the w e a l t h or prop e r t y of the country." (p.401). Ameri c a n G o vernment - by Frank Abbott Magr u d e r "Suffrage and pers o n a l l i b e r t y are I n c o n sistent i n a democracy." (p.643). The a u thor repl a c e s old p e r s o n a l l iberties w i t h n e w civil liberties, (p.644) The o l d l i b e r t i e s encourage ignorance, disease, c r i m e and p olitical d i s honesty. The remedy Is compulsion. The Russian v e t o Is m e r e l y R u s s i a ' s "safeguard f o r her m i n o r i t y views on b asic matters c o n cerning w h i c h the democratic n a t i o n s w ould o v e r w h e l m i n g l y outv o t e her." (p.714). All p e r s o n s or o r g a n i z a t i o n s interested in abolishing subversion from our schools p l e a s e w r ite a n d h a v e others w r i t e me so we can petition o u r State R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s to take appropriate action. Y o u r s sincerely, B. M. M I L L E R Address r e p l y to: M i l l e r Weld i n g Supply Company 1109 J e f f e r s o n Davis H w y . , Arli n g t o n 2, Virg i n i a � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Flyer Addressed to Tax Paying Parents of Arlington, Virginia, December 2, 1952 Description An account of the resource Flyer criticizing the use of 'New Deal' era text books in Virginia schools due to their "creeping Socialism and collectivism", and advocating for education based on free enterprise, individualism, and patriotism. 2 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource B. M. Miller 1952-12-02 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_30 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/0155a3d7225bb428fdc5da1904158f7e.pdf df6f4b64c0bc589f579a6fcbfe635987 PDF Text Text THE UNITED NATIONS UNESCO and AMERICAN SCHOOLS E d u c a tio n a l j~^olicies Commission National Education Association of the United States and the American Association of School Administrators December 1952 �The Educational Policies Commission H e n r y H . H i l l , Chairman W illia m Ja n sf.n , Vice-Chairman O. C. A d e rh o ld R a lp h J. B u n c h e S a r a h C. C a l d w e ll W illia m G. C a r r A r t h u r H . C o m p to n L. D. H askew E u g e n e H . H e r r in g t o n G a le n J o n e s A lic e L a t t a W o r t h M c C lu re N. D. McCombs R a lp h W . M c D o n a ld V irg il M. R ogers M a r g a r e t C. S c h o w e n g e rd t Lee M. T h u r s to n P e a r l A. W a n a m a k e r W ilb u r F. M u rra , Acting Secretary This statement, The United Nations, Unesco, and American Schools, was proposed by the Educational Policies Commission at its Fortieth Meeting, October 1-4, 1952. A first draft, circulated to members of the Commis sion in November, was revised in accordance with members’ suggestions. Publication was authorized by a vote-by-mail, completed in December 1952. The recommendations in this publication are those of the Educational Policies Commission, a commission of the National Education Association of the United States and the American Association of School Adminis trators. Publication in this form does not constitute formal approval by the sponsoring associations. Copies available f r „ fro m : National Education Association, 1201 Sixteenth Street, N. W., Washington 6, D. C. The United Nations, Unesco, and American Schools T O DEFEND freedom, establish justice, and make peace secure, the American people have twice in this century spent their blood and treasure in great world conflicts. Hav ing learned from this experience that repeated victory at arms is not enough, Americans and their allies came to realize that they must cooperate to maintain peace. Standing separately, peace-loving peoples would invite the attacks of aggressors. Standing together, supporting common cause with combined strength, they might deter attack. Free nations must be strong if they are to keep their freedom. Moreover, their strength must be organized for concerted action. Representatives of the victorious nations of World War II, carrying with them the hopes of their two billion people, met in San Francisco in 1945 to establish an international organiza tion, the United Nations, "to maintain international peace and security. . . , to develop friendly relations among nations. . . , to achieve international cooperation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character . . ., and to be a center for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends.’* How the new organization would operate to serve these accepted purposes was set forth in a written constitution, the [1] �Charter of the United Nations. This document, embodying agreements reached by representatives of fifty nations, was laid before the people of those nations. It was widely studied. In the United States opinion was distinctly favorable. After extended study, hearings, and debates, official action on behalf of the United States was taken by the U. S. Senate. This body, assigned by the U. S. Constitution responsibility to act on behalf of this nation in ratifying formal agreements with other nations, voted 89 to 2 in favor of affiliating with the United Nations. By joining the United Nations, the American people ex pressed their faith that such action would add to the strength and safety of their country. They were heartened by the hope that the new organization would help "promote social prog ress and better standards of life in larger freedom,” as prom ised in the Charter’s preamble, and would promote "inter national cultural and educational cooperation,” as required by Article 55. They sought to protect their country and to further its ideals by cooperation with other nations. They believed that being a part of the United Nations would add the strength of other nations to their own in the event of threatened or actual aggression. True to the ideals of the Judeo-Christian ethic, which had guided American policy for more than three centuries, they reached toward the goal of universal brotherhood. In the same spirit, motivated by both enlightened selfinterest and benevolence, the people of the United States en couraged and supported the long established policy of their government to join with other nations in international agen cies designed to serve a wide range of human needs. There are now ten such "specialized agencies” of the United Nations— all working to aid cooperative efforts among men and women of many countries toward solving their common problems.1 As each of these specialized agencies came into being, the United States government was faced with the question: Is it to the best interest of the American people to join or not to join this organization? The question came before the Congress of the United States in 1946 with respect to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. Plans for this organi zation, now widely known as Unesco, were embodied in a constitution which declared .that its purposes and func tions should be, among other things, "to contribute to peace and security by promoting collaboration among the nations through education, science and culture” and to "give fresh impulse to popular education and to the spread of culture by collaborating with Members, at their request, in the develop ment of educational activities.” The constitution specified that "with a view to preserving the independence, integrity and fruitful diversity of the cultures and educational sys tems of the States Members of this Organization, the Organi zation is prohibited from intervening in matters which are essentially within their domestic jurisdiction.” Senators and Congressmen studied the proposed constitu tion and purposes of Unesco, weighed the opinions of citizens, and considered whether or not the United States should be come a member of the new organization. A year earlier Con- [ 2] [3 ] 1 The ten agencies, with the year in which the United States became a member of each, are as follows: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (1945), International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (1945), International Civil Aviation Organization (1946), International Labor Organization (1934), International Monetary Fund (1945), International Telecommunication Union (1934), United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (1946), Universal Postal Union (1874), World Health Organization (1948), World Meteorological Organization (1949). Some of these organizations existed for many years before becoming "specialized agencies” of the United Nations. The wide variety of functions which they serve is indicated by their names. The United States, now a member of all ten agencies, participated in establishing most of them. �gress had asked that such an organization as Unesco be established when it voted unanimously for a joint resolution sponsored by Senator Robert A. Taft, Senator J. William Fulbright, and Congressman Karl Mundt. The proposal to make the United States a member of Unesco was carried by a vote of 264 to 41 in the House of Representatives and without recorded dissent in the Senate. The legislation also provided for a broadly representative National Commission of private citizens and government officials to help determine U. S. policy toward Unesco.2 I N THE years that have passed since the United Nations, Unesco, and other U. N. agencies came into being, the ideal of harmonious cooperation among nations has been imper fectly realized. Hopes for peace have been marred by armed conflicts in the Near East, Southeast Asia, and Korea. Achieve ments in social and economic cooperation have been limited. The past seven years’ disappointing record in international cooperation is attributable in part, perhaps, to the defects and errors of international organizations. Certainly, mistakes have been made. Policies have sometimes seemed inconsistent, action has on occasion been forestalled by considerations of political expediency, some faulty appointments have been made to the secretariats of the international agencies, and opportunities have been missed. Such shortcomings need not obscure the long-range purposes to which the United Nations and its specialized agencies are devoted. They should s Three-fifths of the members of the U. S. National Commission for Unesco are named by voluntary organizations. Among such groups which have named National Commission members are: American Society of Newspaper Editors, Chamber of Commerce of the United States, American Federation of Labor, Congress of Industrial Organizations, National Council of the Churches of Christ, National Catholic Welfare Conference. Synagogue Council of America, National Association of Student Councils, National Education Association, and American Association of School Administrators. [ 4] not lead us to destroy the only machinery for world-wide cooperation that is presently available. Another factor in the record has been the noncooperative attitudes and actions of the Communist world. The obstruc tionist policies of the Soviet Union and its obedient satellites in the United Nations are well known. It is not so widely known that the Russians have been bitterly hostile toward nearly all of the United Nations’ specialized agencies, espe cially toward Unesco.8 Communists apparently fear that Unesco’s commitment to human liberty and enlightenment threatens their own contrary policies of regimentation and thought control. This consideration doubtless influenced the action of the Communist-dominated governments of Poland and Hungary in late 1952 when they resigned membership in Unesco. Y OUNG Americans, as part of their education for citi zenship, should have opportunities to learn in school why their country is following a policy of international co operation, how that policy works, and what it means to have their country a member of the U. N. and Unesco. Teaching about such things is an obligation resting upon all public schools in the United States. In this country the source of political authority is the people. To exercise this authority wisely, the people must know well their nation and the world of which it is a part. Those who govern America today and those who will govern it tomorrow need to know about lands and peoples * The Soviet Union has chosen to maintain membership in only three of the specialized agencies: the International Telecommunication Union, the Universal Postal Union, and the World Meteorological Organization. m �and events far beyond their national boundaries. Within the life span of many now living, the American people have been thrust by circumstances into world leadership. It is a position they did not seek. This world leadership carries with it respon sibilities that are as unavoidable as they are unfamiliar. These responsibilities rest on all citizens, as well as on the officers of the national government. American schools, mindful of their duty for training citi zens to exercise their sovereignty in the most powerful nation in the world, have sought to meet this need of their students by teaching them about the Constitution and laws of the United States and about the treaties and organizations through which their nation deals with other nations. Young Americans need also to know the history of mankind’s efforts to attain peace among nations and the history of the many failures and the limited successes of such efforts. They need to know how people in other parts of the world live, what they wish for, what they believe. They need to know how their own lives have been made safer and richer by the things that have been done by men and women in other parts of the world. They need to know what is happening around the world today. These things the schools of this nation have taught for many years. They must continue to teach them if they are to remain true to their trust. To encourage the teaching of such matters is one purpose of Unesco. The establishment of Unesco, however, did not change the basic character of American teaching about other nations. It did help to give American teachers and students access to more information about the rest of the world. And it has given other nations a better basis for teaching more fully and accurately about the United States. Such teaching is in harmony with Unesco’s prime purpose: to enhance the [«] world understanding of all peoples. This purpose should not be confused with the promotion of world government—a political goal which is supported by some well-known volun tary organizations, but which, by its own constitution, Unesco is prohibited from promoting. It is important to understand the true purposes of Unesco. Failure to do so gives rise to apprehensions which, no matter how sincere, could lead the American people to defeat their own interests. S OME Americans do not accept the prevailing view that the United States will be a safer and more prosperous nation if it cooperates with other nations than if it tries to stand alone. Some of these citizens have gone so far as to demand that study of the U. N. and Unesco be deleted from the school curriculum and that certain books on international cooperation be withdrawn from school libraries. They would bar such things as school observance of U. N. Day and highschool clubs devoted to study of world affairs. It is, of course, to be expected that some citizens will dis agree with the policies of their government. Full freedom for expressing such dissent is essential to the democratic proc ess. To criticize one’s government and the intergovernmental arrangements to which it is a party is the right of every citizen in a free society; to criticize constructively when one sees defects to be remedied is not only a right but also a patriotic duty. It is entirely in order for those who disagree with pre vailing policy to seek to change that policy by appealing to their representatives in Congress and to their fellow citizens. However, those who would have the schools suppress the facts of history as they relate to the U. N. and Unesco or [7] �would have the schools teach a particular point of view about these organizations are in a position that is indefensible in terms of American principles. Those citizens who, take this position start from false premises. They assume that America has no world responsi bilities and no world-affected interests. They assume that the minds of men should be manipulated by instruction. They assume that schools are institutions where ideas are forced upon students instead of being examined critically. They assume that the United Nations and Unesco are not signifi cant aspects of the environment in which children and youth live. They assume that the violence of their attacks can cow or mislead others into acquiescence. The schools of America must not be diverted from their obligation to help young citizens acquire the knowledge and skill that they will need in order to use wisely the power that will increasingly accrue to them. Those who will govern America tomorrow are in the schoolrooms of America today. Teachers must continue to serve their country by equipping with essential knowledge the sovereign citizens they meet in those schoolrooms. The people of the United States in the second half of the twentieth century need extensive aquaintance with other countries and practical knowledge of the complex inter relations between this country and the rest of the world. Many of those relationships fall within the framework of the international organizations in which the United States main tains membership. It is highly desirable, therefore, that the American people learn to understand the United Nations, Unesco, and other U. N. agencies, their purposes and struc ture, their strengths and shortcomings, their records and opportunities. [ 8] �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The United Nations, UNESCO, and American Schools, December 1952 Description An account of the resource A booklet giving a brief background of the United Nations and America's role within the organization, and advocating for the inclusion of the United Nations and world affairs in the public school curriculum. 7 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource National Education Association of the United States and the American Association of School Administrators 1952-12 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_29 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/20b0d142c1693b7bca37263c84364c57.pdf 6d98876386aa8725ebd0e34aff332839 PDF Text Text ®je tlkslfittgitttt f SUNDAY, APRIL 29, 1951 ‘This Happened in Pasadena’: Now It’ Happening in Greater Washington s By Agnes E. Meyer Post R eporter ££TT i a fact that certain forces, s vicious, well organized and cold­ ly calculating, would like to change the face of education in the United States. This they must not be allowed to do” This statement from the Macmillan Co. explains why these publishers sent the wellknown journalist, David Hulburd, formerly with Time magazine, to give a blow-by-blow account of the smear tactics used in Pasa­ dena, Calif., by these vicious elements to discredit the local public school system and to force the resignation of one of the Nation’s ablest school administrators, Willard Goslin. For the citizen? of the District of Colum­ bia, Montgomery County (Md.) and Arling­ ton County (Va.), Hulburd’s book, “This Happened in Pasadena,” is m ust reading. Similar tactics are already well under way in our city and its metropolitan area. The campaign to examine the text books in use in our District schools for Communist influences, the attacks on progressive school administrators in Arlington, and the accusa­ tion th at the Montgomery County schools neglect the three R’s, are standard practice among these reckless, Fascist-minded groups who seek control of the public school curriculum, the teachers and the adminis­ trators. Let no one minimize the ambitions of these pressure groups. They well know th at whoever controls the public schools, controls public opinion. The tactics employed against the schools are identical in different parts of the coun­ try because they are directed, as Hulburd points out, by highly suspicious national organizations. Among those commanding ample funds are the “National Council for American Education,” “Pro-America,” “American Education Association,” “Insti­ tute for Public Service,” “Guardians of American Education” and “Conference of American Small Business Organizations.” This last group was condemned by the House Select Comihittee on Lobbying Ac­ tivities as a “pressure group, ambitious to control public opinion,” whose ignorant criticism of text books “smells too much of the book-burning orgies of Nuernberg to be accepted by thoughtful Americans.” None of these national propaganda organ­ izations is directed by people respected in the educational world. Trade Upon Fears iVERYBODY in our democracy has the 4 right to criticize our public institutions; These self styled patriots who denounce the public schools have been successful with th eir vague epithets that our public schools are “progressive,” “communist,” “godless," “socialist” and what-not because they have traded upon the logitimate fears of Amer­ I ican parents that all is not well with our public school system. Conscientious citizens are active all over the country to improve the obvious weaknesses of our long neg­ lected public schools. So widespread Is the determination of these local, State and national groups to press for expansion and improvement of the public schools that the newspapers re­ sound with their dissatisfaction and that of underpaid teachers. This is the normal process by which democracy evolves and attains new and higher goals. But this chorus of discontent has made it easy to confuse people who cannot discriminate between the constructive, substantiated criticism of well-meaning, well-informed citizens and the destructive, unsubstantiated abuse of unscrupulous pressure groups. The fact that this racket of vilifying the public schools worked in Pasadena is ample warning that it may work anywhere. For Pasadena, a city of more than 100,0Q0 in­ habitants, is a community of great wealth, beauty and dignity that are a measure of the taste, intelligence aad civic pride of its citizens. Here, if anywhere, one would ex­ pect reason and justice to prevail over passion and ignorance. In 1948, the Pasadena Board of Education unanimously invited Willard Goslin, a t the time of his appointment president of the American Association of School Administra­ tors, to head their public school system after a careful canvass of the whole country to find the ablest man. Yet two and a half years later, the same board that hired hin^ also fired him in an ignominious, badly worded and cowardly telegram sent to him in New York City where he had flown the night before to confer with the "National Citizens Commission for the Public Schools,” of whose advisory board he is a member. How was this crude dismissal of a dis­ tinguished educator achieved? It wa* maueuvered by keeping the whole city in a turmoil of fear, irresolution, mutual dis­ trust and mental confusion in spite of the fact that the school system had been im­ proving under Goslin’s direction until it promised to be one of the best in the whole country. The whole evolution illustrates how much easier it is to be destructive than constructive in a democracy. Evil, alas, spreads with far greater rapidity than goodness. Falge Set of Values HE FIGHT against Goslin was lead by « group of substantial citizens who gave themselves the grand title, “The School Development CounciL” The chairmen changed as the motives changed. Many of the founding members dropped out when they realized that the original purpose of improving the schools was obscured, as Hulburd states, “by personal prejudices and a false set of educational values.” Some of these “values” were revealed when Goslin was accused in a whispering campaign of “socialism” and of “undermining the native patriotism of Pasadena* because he had invited the dean of American educators. T Dr. Kilpatrick of Teachers College, to ad­ dress the Pasadena teachers at a summer school workshop. “Throughout the Council’s stormy ca­ reer,” says Hulburd, “a hardy band of tfromen (whom he names) stood out above their fellows as being particularly active and persistent.*’ One of them was especial­ ly interested in “subversive influences in the schools” and in the school text books; another in the “evils of modern education," on which she made hair-raising speeches; another was frankly determined to get rid of Goslin, as a leading exponent of what she darkly described as “Modern Pragmatic Education.” But the most persistent, the wealthy daughter of a former United States Senator, and founder of the local ProAmerica chapter, supplied the Council and the city with its typical propaganda. ProAmerica is excited about “The Four Horse­ man of ’51.” “They are Stalinism, Trumanism, Welfarism and Minorityism.” “These four horsemen must be bridled and tamed,” says Pro-America’s literature. Before long, nobody could tell whether Pro-America or the School Development Council was running the anti-Goslin cam­ paign. The hectic meetings took place in the patriotic confine* of the Legion Hall. Yet the campaign flagged until the Coun­ cil acquired a new chairman, a small busi­ nessman, Frank W. Wells, who enlisted property owners in cutting the school budg­ ets and in opposing a rezoning of school districts which might send the children of the upper classes to school with Negro and Mexican children and reduce some of the real estate values. Under Wells’ expert direction, the Council now became cen­ tered upon “getting better results from every dollar” spent on the schools. “The best judges of the educational sys­ tem are those who employ and work with its products,” said Wells. ‘This evaluation is far superior to the theories of those administering the process. While we have supported education with our dollar*, we have neglected to guide it with our prin­ ciples. We believe that education in Pasadena needs not only our dollars, but our principles, our personal time and in­ terest, and this we propose to provide through this organized group.” A Befuddling Mixture HESE self-constituted guardians of education then proceeded to befuddle the public with racial issues, class hostility, taxation, failure to teach the fundamentals* budget-cutting and progressive education^ all mixed up together, as well as rabble! rousing mass meetings to stir up personal animosity against the School Board and the Goglin administration. As the fu r began to fly, it became parent that the Pasadena Council wag taken over more and more by Allen A. Zoll, d i r ^ tor of the National Council for Am^ric^, Education. Even so good a reporter as Hulbut(j could not get much information about thB early history of Zoll, who calls himself an “internationally-known sales consultants His first organization to gain notoriety T was American Patriots, Inc., which was listed as fascist and subversive by Tom C. Clark when he was Attorney General. Zoll was long an ardent supporter of Father Coughlin. As far back as 1939, he was de­ nounced as a strong anti-Semite by Repre­ sentative J. Parnell Thomas. Yet he man­ aged to get the support of such distin­ guished people as the late Senator Vandenberg, General Wainwright, Gene Tunney and Stanley High as sponsors of his Na­ tional Council for American Education in 1948, all of whom resigned when the New York World-Telegram exposed the new council’s shady character. Senator Kenneth McKellar, on the other hand, when in­ formed of Zoll’s background, stood by the Council, which may be a clew to the nature of Zoll’s other backers. “He was indicted for allegedly attempting to extort money from New York Radio Station WMCA. Al­ though he pleaded not guilty and the in­ dictment was later nolle prossed, the pub­ licity was pretty gamey, and for a time following its quashing, Mr. Zoll wasn’t heard from,” says Hulburd. This did not keep Zoll from gathering enough sucker-support to found the “Na­ tional Council for American Education” with headquarters in New York City. The pamphlets he broadcasts have such provoca­ tive titles as “Reducators at Harvard,” “How Red Are the Schools?,” “They Want Your Child” and “Progressive Education Increases Delinquency” (see illustration), the last named having been most widely distributed in Pasadena. The rational replies of Goslin and of cer­ tain clergymen who tried to defend th e public school budget were drowned out by nightly speeches in which Wells developed catchy phrases that took his large audiences by storm. One of his favorites was, “Pro­ gressive education means progressive taxa­ tion.” He asserted that the Board of Educa­ tion wanted a “quickie blank check” and that henceforth Pasadena’s children must be taught “the three R’s—the American heritage—real respect,” etc. In the meantime, the women members, of the Pasadena Council gave lunches and receptions to all and sundry that were dis­ satisfied by this time with Pasadena’s school administration. I regret to add that the local newspapers lent themselves enthu­ siastically to this disgraceful campaign al­ though the real facts behind the whole story were even more easily available to them than to David Hulburd, who now puts them on the record. Having defeated the school budget by a vote of 2 to 1, the School Development Council felt its oats and issued a statement demanding: 1. “An idelogical investigation of curriculum, methods and personnel with­ in the Pasadena School District, and (2) loyalty oaths by administrators and teach­ ers, stipulating dismissal for those who re­ fused to sign.” But here is the payoff that reveals the full insolence of these groups, national and local, that are trying to con­ trol our public school system and American public opinion in order to further their own specious interests. “We ask the Board (of Education) to determine immediately the politico-social aims of the present school administration—in curriculum, methods and personnel, both of District, staff and guest lecturers. We suggest that such patriotic organizations as the American Legion and Sons and Daughters of the American Revolu­ tion he called upon to direct or actively as­ sist the board in the study.” L o ss o f ‘L e a d e r sh ip ’ T>Y THIS time the board members, no better or worse than other boards, were excited about their loss of “leadership,” which merely meant that if Goslin was really to be fired, they wanted to have the credit for yielding to the public clamor. They sent him a telegram of dismissal during a two-day absence from Pasladena because they hadn’t the intestinal fortitude to face Goslin with their trumped-up charges that he was re­ sponsible for the “controversy” in Pasadena and for the “lack of harmony within the system itself as well as the community as a whole.” As soon as Goslin’s resignation became public, the better elements of the community realized that a catastrophe had happened from which the reputation of their schools and their city would suffer for years to come. The people by that time had awakened to the fact that they had permitted unscru­ pulous groups to pull the wool over their eyes. They were profoundly disturbed. Only Allen A. Zoll of the National Council for American Education was happy and tri­ umphant, way off in New York City. He frankly claimed credit for getting Goslin but. “The millions of pieces of literature we have sent out during the past two and a half years have had an important effect,” he crowed in the January number of his paper, “The Educational Guardian.” C itizens of Arlington C unty, b w re o Va., e a ! PROGRESSIVE EDUCATION This is the sa e M Zoll w recently a m r. ho t­ tacked o e of your ablest educa rs, C n to . G lenn Hass, w m he a ho ccu d of “unscru­ se A s a m p l e o f t h e m a t e r ia l c ir c u l a te d pulous m anipulation of yo ung m inds.” Citi­ » ze s o M ntgo ery C n f o m ounty, M ., b w ren P a s a d e n a b y t h e S c h o o l D e v e lo p ■ d e a i! m e a t C o u n c il Y u will reco o gnize in the criticism of your s scho ls m d b the “Parents League for o a e y o Curriculum D evelopm ent” the Zoll tech­ m re destructive than constructive IB It* nique a carried out in P sa e a -C s a d n . itizen approach: a flood of material to the pres* s s of W ashingto D C b w re O o n denouncing the system a it stands; the wel­ n, . ., e a ! ur w local scho l-b o purger, A o o k dalbert Lee, iscome Into its fold of all dissatisfied parents, under the thum of the “C b onference o of superpatriots and of ambitious, frustrated f Sm all B usiness O rganizations,” w hich h sindividuals; mass meetings and public a forums where only their views, and not op'been co dem ed by the H use C m ittee o n n o o m n Lobbying A ctivities for using N azi m etho posing views,* are aired; the repetition over ds and over again of hearsay, half-truths and to get control of A erican educatio m n. All local communities must carefully analyze Zoll’s literature, his contact with local groups, his spread-eagle patriotism and that of other similar national pressure groups. “For this much is certain,” says Hulburd of the utter social disruption caused in Pasadena by the infiltrating minority pressure groups: “The Zoll pattern is the same as the Pasadena pattern, the Zoll at­ tack on education is the same as the Pasa­ dena attack on education. First it admits the importance of public education, then it proceeds to damn every phase of a modern public school system: it is leading the Nation toward socialism: Its text books are written by Communists, it pays too little attention to fundamental educational principles, it fails to adhere to facts, it fails to avoid contro­ versial issues, and so on. And the strategy Mr. Zoll applauds so vigorously is the strat­ egy that was followed <n Pasadena, the formation of a self-appointed school com­ mittee. without real community backing. educational cliches.” “In these u e sy d y n a a s,” continue* Hul­ burd’s w arning a a result of his P sa s a dena experience, “ho nest, w ell-m eaning citizens a o re ften vulnerable to the ca pa m igns o all f so rts of infiltrating m inority pressure g u s. ro p U nless these citizens learn to reco gnize such dangers and a a w ken to w hat free public school education should m n to them a d ea n to their children, m n of them will sw llo a y a w all to -w o illingly— ok, line and sinker— ho the kind of bait sold by propagandists like Zoll.” Anyone who reads “This Happened in Pasadena” will be fully alerted to the sorry ambitions and the vile methods of Zoll and his ilk. For Zoll Is not the only demagogue who threatens the freedom of our schools and of our democracy. But as long as we have courageous publishers like the Mac­ millans and careful reporters like Hulbuyd to expose these racketeers, our people will be able to defeat, all subversive attacks on our public schools, whether they coma from the extreme left or the extreme right. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource This Happened in Pasadena': Now It's Happening in Greater Washington, Article from the Washington Post, Sunday, April 29, 1951 Description An account of the resource Newspaper article relating a book about a successful conservative campaign against a Pasadena school system to the public school systems in greater Washington, DC. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Washington Post 1951-04-29 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_28 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/5a051a18101121c8bcd98f98b69bb80b.pdf f968a89c5961c4ef3a87379c987987fb PDF Text Text The Listening Post Column Editor: C. G len Hass Contributor: Richard Barnes Kennan Eternal V ig ila n c e T H E O L D E X P R E S S IO N , “ busy as a one-arm ed pap erhanger w ith the itc h ," c o u ld be q u ite a p tly a p p lie d to the d if ficulties th a t the schools are fa c in g to day. L ik e the paperhanger, they have a m a jo r jo b to accom plish; b u t one o f fa r greater significance th a n m ere ly m a k in g o u r e n v iro n m e n t m ore d e lig h t fu l, fo r the e d u ca tio n o f y o u th is a task o f basic social significance. L ik e the paperhanger, the schools are han dicapp ed, fo r they are beset w ith ra p id ly in crea sing enrolm ents and a lessening su p p ly o f q u a lifie d teachers, together w ith a degree o f fin a n c ia l sup p o r t th a t has n o t k e p t pace w ith the increased costs o f the present era. A n d again, lik e the paj^erhanger, they are beset b y a lo t o f aggravations in term s o f u n w a rra n te d , u n tru e and u n fa ir a t tacks against the schools and th e ir p e r sonnel. T h e “ itc h ” has gen era lly p roved to be an u n c o m fo rta b le ir r ita tio n , b u t in several instances i t has become seri ous enough to dem and f u ll a tte n tio n o f the schools, th e developm ent o f special trea tm ent, and sometimes i t has re sulted in serious a d d itio n a l loss to o u r A m e ric a n system o f education. A ttacks fro m Several S ources O ne o f the best examples o f this com p lica te d s itu a tio n fo r the schools has been the s itu a tio n e xistin g in Scarsdale, N e w Y o rk, f o r the past few years. Scars dale fo r a lo n g tim e has had an u n usu a lly fine school system o f n a tio n a l re p u ta tio n . R e cently a sm all g ro u p o f in d iv id u a ls in the c o m m u n ity began an atta c k on books used in th e classes and lib ra rie s o f the school system. T h e se v e rity and nature o f the atta ck devel ope d to the p o in t th a t i t affected the m o ra le o f the teachers a n d th e efficient o p e ra tio n o f the school system. T im e and again, however, o u ts ta n d in g c it i zens o f the c o m m u n ity , in c lu d in g some o f the best kn o w n business and profes sio n a l leaders o f the m e tro p o lita n N ew Y o rk area, ra llie d to the s u p p o rt o f the schools and the tro u b le m akers were o ve rw h e lm in g ly defeated. T h e story o f the Scarsdale a ffa ir is a va ila b le in re p rin ts o f articles, single copies o f w h ic h w i ll be p ro v id e d free o f charge by the N E A Defense C o m m ission as lo n g as the supp ly is available. O ne o f the attacks o n th e schools in recent weeks was an a rtic le w h ic h the e d ito r o f the A m e r i c a n L e g i o n M a g a z i n e had especially pre p a re d fo r p u b li ca tio n in the Ju n e issue. T h e artic le follow s the same lin e th a t th e n o toriou s A lle n Z o ll has used in a tte m p tin g by extre m ely m in o r and non -o ffic ia l items to prove th a t there is a subversive m ove m e n t in the p u b lic schools. O th e r mag azines have p o in te d o u t th a t the artic le is distorted, e m o tio n a l a n d co n tra d ic to ry to the p o in t th a t i t ge n e ra lly has, w ith a ll b u t the m ost biased readers, the opposite effect to th a t w h ic h the a u th o r a p p a re n tly in te n d e d . F o r ex am ple, in re fe rrin g to th e a u th o r o f the article, the news-magazine o f the F ord M o to r Com pany, Post 173, A m e ric a n L e g io n a t D e arb orn , M ic h ig a n , states: “ T o cite a few o f h e r inconsistencies, N o v e m b e r 1952 127 Reprinted f r o m E d u c a t io n a l L e a d e r s h ip , Vol. X, No. 2 �she states th a t we f a il to emphasize the three ‘R ’s,’ we use C o m m u n is t-in flu enced textbooks by ‘subversive’ teach ers, and th a t o u r progressive edu ca tio n is o n ly teaching o u r students to have no respect fo r parents o r la w and order, and th a t o u r schools are m ere ly ju s t a mass o f confusion. T h e n in th e n e x t b reath she states th a t we are re g im e n t in g o u r c h ild re n to the p a tte rn o f A d o lf H itle r ’s y o u th m ovem ent, to fo llo w one p a tte rn and one system, to cast th e m in to a m o ld so they w o n ’t even be able to th in k fo r themselves. I n one sen tence, we give o u r c h ild re n to o m u c h freedom w ith n o co n tro l, a n d in th e n e x t p a ragraph we d o n ’t give th e m any freedom l O ne statem ent is e xa c tly th e opposite o f th e other. T h is is ty p ic a l o f the a rtic le w ith its inconsistencies, f o l lo w in g one r ig h t a fte r the o th e r.” Loyalty O aths and In v estig a tion s T h e decision o f the U n ite d States Supreme C o u rt u p h o ld in g the le g a lity o f the F einberg la w in N e w Y o rk State is lik e ly to b r in g a bo ut a rash o f efforts to ado pt s im ila r laws in o th e r states. T h e danger o f such laws lies in the fa c t th a t they fre q u e n tly single o u t teachers fo r special suspicion and d o u b tfu l tests o f lo y a lty . T h e Feinberg la w places the a d m in is tra tio n o f the lo y a lty p ro g ra m in the hands o f the N e w Y o rk State D e p a rtm e n t o f E d u ca tio n and evidence u p to date indicates th a t the la w w i ll be fa ir ly enforced. O f p a rtic u la r va lu e is the p ro v is io n th a t any in d iv id u a l o r o r g a n iz a tio n threatened w ith damage fro m the enforcem ent o f the la w sh a ll be given o p p o rtu n ity to be h e a rd be fo re fin a l a c tio n is taken. Law s p u r 128 p o rte d ly o f s im ila r n a tu re proposed in o th e r states have o fte n been p o o rly d ra w n and fo re b o d in g in th e ir poten t ia l effect. T w o com m ittees in Congress w i ll bear w a tching as to th e ir effects on p u b lic education. T h e C o x com m ittee in the House is aim ed p r im a r ily a t in ve sti g a tio n o f edu ca tio n a l fo u n d a tio n s , b u t its activities m ay in c lu d e any type o f n o n p ro fit e d u c a t i o n a l organization. M em bers o f this com m itte e have in d i cated th a t they w i ll see th a t th e ir in vestigations are fa ir a n d constructive. Senator M cC arran has in d ic a te d th a t his com m ittee w i ll investigate education b e g in n in g w ith the colleges and u n iv e r sities and e x te n d in g d o w n in to the sec o nd ary and elem entary schools and in c lu d in g a study o f textbooks. A state m e n t released to the press, in dicates th a t Senator M c C a rra n has app are ntly pre-judged the s itu a tio n and has fo u n d education and educators “ subversive” before his investigations have o fficia lly begun. T h e analogy to the paperhanger is n o t accurate, o f course, fo r teachers have tw o arms to get the m a jo r jo b accom plished: the r ig h t a rm o f th e ir ow n d ire c t personal efforts and the le ft arm o f the u n ite d efforts o f professional organizations. T h e best “ b a lm ” fo r the “ itc h ” is the use o f b o th “ arms” to w in the frie n d s h ip and u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the citizens o f o u r c o m m u nities, state and n a tio n concerning the u n iq u e fu n c tio n and c o n trib u tio n o f p u b lic e du cation to o u r com mon w e lfare.—R ic h a rd B a r n e s K e n n a n , executive secretary, N a tio n a l C om m ission fo r th e Defense o f D em oc racy th ro u g h E d u c a tio n , N E A . Ed u c a t io n a l Lea d er s h ip � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Listening Post, Eternal Vigilance, November 1952, Reprinted from Educational Leadership, Volume 10, Number 2 Description An account of the resource Article describing the state of public schools and the several attacks hindering their progression. 2 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Educational Leadership 1952-11 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_27