14 20 1839 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/34493fb46f804f8a72afc7d3fe62ed38.pdf 51aad089d8285fc53415c8f96fba8451 PDF Text Text N E I G H B O R S . IN C. 5 8 0 2 G E O R G I A A V E N U E . N. W. W A S H I N G T O N 11. D. C. Mrs. B a rb a r a Marx 6897 N. v/ashington Blvd. Arl i n g t o n , Vi rg i r.ia �5802 G E O R G IA A V E N U E . N . W . M a r v in C a p l a n PRESIDENT W A S H IN G T O N M ar g er y T. w a r e EXECUTIVE SECRETARY 11. D . C . R A N D O L P H 6 -3 4 5 5 September 9, 19^0 . Mrs. Marx: If you do not already know the story of Neighbors, Inc. we feel sure your imagination will be fired when you read about this challenging proj ect. Neighbors, Inc. represents the first organized effort in Washington to arrest the usual course of changing neighborhoods becoming ghettoes. By pioneering in this city in developing a modern democratic commun ity it Is on the frontier of efforts to reduce neighborhood tensions and to seek a constructive solution to the human relations aspect of housing. It is dealing in a very concrete, direct way with the silent partner of changing neighborhoods - "flight to the suburbs." The organization and accomplishments of Neighbors, Inc. are described briefly in the accompanying leaflet. It also contains comments about the program from some individuals and organizations well-known in Washington. NI is now approaching the end of a $15,000 grant which provided for a limited experimental program for 18 months. The Eugene and Agnes E. Meyer Foundation has allocated $5,000 and an additional $5,000 if matched by NI to carry on the program, but it cannot be released until NI achieves donor tax exemption status. The application has been pending for over a year. A top-notch law firm is now handling the matter free as its con tribution to the work of NI, but a decision will take time. It is, therefore, imperative that NI receive strong community support so that this imaginative and resourceful program which is courageously tackling a tremendously difficult problem of vital importance to the Nation’s capital can continue at its present very modest level. Now without the tax benefit, we are asking you only for a modest donation, perhaps the equivalent of an evening at the theatre or a concert. If you can give more that would be splendid, but no matter what the amount, both we and the members of Neighbors, Inc. will be most appreciative. It Dr. Mordecai W. Johnson Dr. Orris G. Robinson �■>JJOM 4 0 0 UO XJJD3 0 | 3 9 094} |[IM ado|0AU9 sii|| uo dui04 S 3^ 4no,\ FIRST CLASS Permit No. 33633 Washington, D. C. BUSINESS REPLY MAIL No Postage Stamp Necessary If Mailed in the United States Postage W ill Be Paid By NEIGHBORS, INC. 5802 Georgia Avenue, N.W. Washington 11, D. C. �r C"T h a n h for your contribution to aid NEIGHBORS, INC. find a constructive solution to the dual problem of changing neighborhoods and flight to the suburbs. M arvin Caplan BY ALL MEANS . . . I am happy to support the "im agin ative and common sense approach' of NEIGHBORS, INC. N a m e________________________________________________________________ __ Street & N o -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------City_______________________________ Zone________ State_______________________ Enclosed is my contribution in the amount of $ .............................................................. Please send: Nl Newsletter Q M em bership card Registered under the D. C. Charitable Solicitation Act. Registration No. 6*07-239. �SUPERINTENDEN T OF SCH O O LS FRANKLIN ADMINISTRATION BUILDING GOVERNMENT OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA More Quotes " F o r th e pa st te n o r fifte e n y e a rs th e D is t r ic t o f C olu m b ia has undergone v ast changes p a r tic u la r ly In th e m a tte r o f ho usin g. The in c re a s e in popu latio n has re s u lte d in a m ass m ove m e nt o f r a c ia l gro up s fr o m one se c tio n to an o th e r. U n re s t and fe a r have been th e f r u it s o f these changes. COUNCIL OF CHURCHES NATIONAL CAPITAL AREA "N e ig h b o rs , In c . has sensed th is co n d itio n and has taken p o s itiv e steps to p ro v e to a g ro w in g c o m m u n ity th a t pe rso n s o f d iffe r e n t r a c ia l and re lig io u s backgrounds can liv e to g e th e r in peace and h a rm o n y. I t is re fre s h in g to know th a t th ese m e m b e rs th ro ug h th e ir o rg a n iz a tio n a r e re n d e rin g a m uch needed s e rv ic e to the D is t r ic t o f C o lu m b ia . iT5i N STREET. NORTHWEST WASHINGTON t O C "M y hope Is th a t a ll pe rson s liv in g in th e W ashington a re a jo in In th is o r s im ila r e ffo r ts to raiB u and m a in ta in the liv in g sta nd ards o f the N atio n's C a p ita l." C a rl D . C olem an, A tto rn e y C olem an, P a rk s and W ashington 715 G S tre e t, N. W . iin ^ iiiiM iiiiiia iiiiiitiM im iH iiv w iiim m Joundtri m s » / VITMIRN lU-'IUlINC WAMUNt.TON 5, ll < ANTI DEFAMATION IJ-AGUB J fn u ia tn a /w n m u / "co m m o n . ic /w . . . "B ecause N eig hb ors , In c . is so endowed w ith v is io n , im a g in a tio n , and th e tr u c d e m o c r a tlc s p ir it , i t is a re w a rd in g e xp erien ce to o b serve them In a ctio n . " T h e ir fo rth rig h tn e s s in fa c in g issue s in v o lv e d In p e rpe tua ting the in te g ra te d c h a ra c te r o f neighborhoods, th e ir courage in w ithsta nd ing c r it ic is m fr o m big ote d acquaintances, th e ir sea l in p ro m o tin g com m u n ity b e tte rm e n t, a rc a noble In s p ira tio n and a s tim u la tin g fo rc e to those o f us in o th e r are as who a r c tim id ly see king to im p ro v e o u r c o m m u n itie s ." M rs . M. J . P rydo , T eacher and C iv ic lo a d e r 417 Shepherd S tre e t, N. W, it. ®.e. "C o n g ra tu la tio n s In g e ttin g th is v e ry com m on sense approach to a b a s ic neighborhood p ro b le m in W ashington nccepted by o u r own area, la m c o n s ta n tly am azed a ty o u r achievem ents in the fie ld s o f good race r e la tio n s . You m ake d e m o c ra c y w o rk . " M rs . C larcnco F is h e r, A re a R esident and C iv ic Leader 414 Kennedy S tre et. N. W. -* M K a t e d n e ig h b o r s ir c o r h H S S d r p o r a t e d NEIGHBORS i l B 'vW INCORPORATED H & « E 0 k M (m R o RS I N C O R J ^ M p S b l G ® 'fjjni GHBORS 'M P & X W D NEIGHBORS IT^ftoRATl INCORPORATED NEIGHBORJ^NCORpi .0 INCORPORATED NEIGHBORS INcI &HB0RS INCORPORATED NEIGHBORS ■ITEIGHBORS INCORPORATED NEIGH |TED NEIGHBORS INCORPORATED N gPORATED NEIGHBORS INCORBB & QRFORATED K E I G E r a u f l H IfflBtKCORPORATED M o r s in c o r po r a t e d n e i ^ ^ ^NEIGHBORS INCORPORATED R a t e d n e ig h b o r s t n c o r po r ^ S [ORHORATED N EIG H B O ESIN C O M I INCORPORATED n e i c M i ft-TEO NEIGHBORS TN M ffijA TFD NEIGHBORS M wBBgpftAI p N E I G H * " I have Just read y o u r annual r e p o r t and 1 th in k N eig hb ors, Inc. Is a m onum ent o f s o c ia l hygiene. Dy g e ttin g people to w o rk to ge the r c o n s tru c tiv e ly on th e ir com m on p ro b le m s you a re h e lpin g them b rin g th e ir p ra c tic e s In to ha rm o ny w ith t h e ir b e lie fs . T h in Is good m ental health. H R v g o r BK UBRr. r f l "Y ou .ir e tr y in g to d e m o n s tra te th at a neighborhood can w elcom e p e rs o n s o f a ll race s and r e lig io n s . What you a re do ing is not on ly le g a l, d e m o c ra tic and e th ic a l but a ls o h ig h ly p r a c tic a l. Hi’*TDIB E D r. Juliu s S c h ra lb e r, P s y c h ia tris t 1540 C onnecticut Avenue, N. W. "N e ed le ss to Hay, we he re a r c v e ry m u e h im p ri i.aed by the e ffo rts of you and N eig hb ors, Inc. tn atte m p tin g to deal w ith a trem en do usly d iff ic u lt p rtib lo in . "Ind ee d, w e have been o b s c rv ln g d u rln g the co u rse of th e pa st y e a r the ex c e lle n t p ro g ra m m a tic a c tiv ity In w h ich N eighlMira, In c . has been engaging. As on agency s p e c ia liz in g In In to r g i uup r e la tio n s , we be lieve that y o u r s tr iv in g s c on s titu te a sig n a l c o n trib u tio n to p ro m o tin g good human re la tio n e lit W ashington, D . " W illia m K o ro y , D .C . - M d . Heglomtl l ) l r . A n ti-D e fa m a tio n le a g u e o f It'naJ H 'rlth N EIG HB O R S, IN C. 5 8 0 2 G e o r g ia A v e n u e , N .W . m b n e tJ H H ,ppr-*r^BS B v jxcoR rm B ;, b o r s incoiSB U H A T ^Jg Jg H P O R S I N T O R P O im E D N E IG H B O R S INCORPORATED NEICJTB |0RS INCORPORATED NT, UGHBORS INCORPORATE] I NEIGHBORS IN C O R P o l I a t e d n e ig h b o r s i n c j I?PORATED n e i g h b o r s ! ■TEI GHBORS i n c o h p o r b I e d n e ig h b o r s in c q I loRATED N E IG H B O R S M ICORPORATED N E IG f l f M k INCORPORATED N * �Introduction Quotes Less than two years ago Neighbors, Inc. was only a resolve on the part of a group of residents in North Washington to keep our neighborhood from succumbing to the ill-w ill and senseless panic that had turned sections of the city south of us into largely Negro ghettos. Instead we wanted our area to be a community which welcom es persons of all races and religions. ”1want to take this opportunity of express ing our gratitude in the Council of Churches and for m yself personally for the significant place that Neighbor's Incorporated is taking in the life of our community, and of the out standing service that you are rendering. You have been most helpful to us in the Protestant churches as we have tried to look at this prot> lem, particularly in the northwest section of Washington. Your understanding of the prob lem and the spirit in which you operate is most commendable.” Today we are a growing organization tackling a problem of vital importance to the City of Washington. Our program repre sents the first organized effort in this city to find a solution to the problem o f ’’changing neighborhoods” and "flight to the suburbs”. Through block groups, meetings and lit erature we seek to lessen neighborhood ten sion. We seek to provide knowledge of facts and techniques to enable residents to resist the pressures of rumor and scare tactics of speculative real estate dealers. We also interest other groups in shaping their pro grams to contribute to the broad objectives of neighborhood stabilization. We are work ing with city-wide groups and agencies to relieve, divert and eliminate pressures on changing neighborhoods. 1110 recognition of many organizations and individuals of our accomplishments to ward achieving an open-hearted, friendly neighborhood has encouraged us tremen dously. We are grateful for their endorse ment of our aim to become a demonstration for this country of a modern democratic com munity - one which will also make a contri bution to world opinion toward the United States. Here is what they s a y ------- -— Frederick E. Reissig, Exec. Secy Council of Churches National Capital Area / citf fta/tr i/rnt/ . .. "I think Neighbors,. Inc. is paving the way to something very important. You will find us ready to help wherever we can .” Carl F. Hansen Superintendent of Schools "It has been rnv observation that Neigh bors, Inc. has gone about handling the very difficult task of mobilizing sections of the community in a much needed program. . Kucn iftt/t te lle r/. . . "Neighborhood changes and some of the concomitant effects have needed the atten tion of community leaders for many years. Despite the handicaps of beginning almost from scratch, I have been very much im pressed with the way in which people and organizations have been involved in the ef forts of Neighbors, Inc. to promote neigh borhood stabilization, to promote intergroup understanding, to1curb rumors which are so rife, and to handle the sundry matters which come u p ." David Sawyer, Exec. Dir. Com missioners’ Council on Human Relations "As you know, we in the Lamond Riggs Citizens Association have been intensely concerned with efforts to " stab ilize” our area. As an integrated association we be lieve that people of different race and diverse background can learn to live together in a community as neighbors. In our attempts to organize ourselves to achieve this kind of stabilization we have been most fortunate in having the aid of Neighbors, Inc. /tf/t. . . "Neighbors, Inc. has exercised the kind of leadership in the larger community which has made our path clearer. "This leadership has been recognized notonly by our Association. It is significant that church groups, synagogue groups, pub lic school officials, and other citizen asso ciations have come forward whole-heartedly to work with you in this endeavor. " Sol Gnatt, P res. Lamond-Riggs Citizens A s sn ., 1012 Hamilton S t., N. E. (A m y/v.i tf. .. The task of Neighbors, Incorporated in the large changing community area it serves has been tremendous. In its short life it has helped numbers of its citizens with the know ledge that a changing community does not need to retrogress but that all fam ilies of varying religions, nationalities and races — can live together with understanding, pride in themselves, their property and their neighborhood institutions. When neighbor hoods fall apart, the community does also. "Neighbors, Incorporated may well be proud of the cooperation it has won by its own merit from governmental, agency und family groups. It is deserving of the support of any citizen or agency in the District." Russell L. Bradley, Exec. Dir. National Conference of Christians and Jews - 302 Southern Bldg. Neighbors, Inc. 5802 Georgia Avenue N W Washington II DC Randolph 63455 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 18: Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource August 2, 1960 Letter from the Central Arlington Civic Association to the Arlington County School Board Description An account of the resource Leter from the Central Arlington Civic Association to the Arlington County School Board regarding the challenges of building a school at the Douglas Park Site. 3 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 18, Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Central Arlington Civic Association Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1960-08-02 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1960s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 18_3_6_2_26 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/3eabfa6772b22b9fc4da163b54831d79.jpg a02b75788da9a16917068b7e77855043 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Description An account of the resource Papers donated by George Melvin Richardson, former principal of Hoffman-Boston Junior-Senior High School. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Auto mechanics Description An account of the resource Students in the auto shop of Hoffman-Boston work on a car. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Black and white photograph Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Photograph Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 307_0028 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/02ee45b6b2c1abee861aef60ea1834a9.jpg 2e95c9dec04f798b3717d7fb5cdc0460 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Description An account of the resource Papers donated by George Melvin Richardson, former principal of Hoffman-Boston Junior-Senior High School. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Auto mechanics Description An account of the resource Auto shop student installs a break shoe on a car at Hoffman-Boston. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Black and white photograph Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Photograph Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 307_0029 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/9d5358f336fa73aea4f4edb515a20f92.pdf 1e8444bc28faeaa0b5c6eab592952349 PDF Text Text AU TO BIO G RA PH IC SK ETCH C H A R G E S C. D IG G S , J r . M e m b e r of C o n g r e s s C h a r l e s C. D i g g s , J r . w a s b o r n i n D e t r o i t , M i c h i g a n o n D e c e m b e r 2, 1922, th e o n ly c h ild of C h a r l e s a n d M a y m e D ig g s, S r . a tio n w as a c q u ir e d in D e tr o it P u b lic S ch o o ls. H is e l e m e n t a r y e d u c ­ T h ro u g h o u t h is hig h sc h o o l c a r e e r , D ig g s w o n d i s t i n c t i o n in th e f ie ld of p u b lic s p e a k in g . He g r a d u a t e d f r o m M i l l e r H i g h S c h o o l i n 1940, a t w h i c h t i m e h e w a s a l s o t h e t r e s i d e n t of h is c l a s s . In S e p t e m b e r , 1940, D i g g s e n r o l l e d a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f M i c h i g a n , w h e r e he w a s a s tu d e n t f o r tw o y e a r s . In h i s s e c o n d y e a r a t M i c h i g a n , he w on the U n i v e r s i t y 1s o r a t o r i c a l c h a m p io n s h ip . In t h e f a l l o f 1942, h e e n ­ r o lle d at F i s k U n iv e rsity , in N a s h v ille , T e n n e s s e e , and w hile atten d in g t h e r e r e c e i v e d n o tic e of d r a f t in to th e a r m e d s e r v i c e . E n te r i n g th e U n ited S t a t e s A r m y A ir C o r p s a s a P r i v a t e in F e b r u a r y , 1943, D ig g s r e a c h e d the g r a d e of S e r g e a n t a s a n e n l i s t e d m a n a n d th e n w a s a c c e p te d fo r O ffic e rs ' C a n d id a te tr a in in g . On g r a d u a t i o n f r o m CCS, a S e c o n d L ie u te n a n t, he w a s a s s i g n e d to th e T u s k e g e e A r m y A ir F i e l d B a s e at T u sk eg ee, A lab am a. He w a s h o n o r a b l y d i s c h a r g e d f r o m a c t i v e d u t y o n J u n e 1, 1 9 4 5 . R e t u r n i n g t o D e t r o i t , D i g g s e n t e r e d t h e W a y n e U n i v e r s i t y S c h o o l of M o rtu a ry S cien ce. H e f i n i s h e d h i s c o u r s e i n J u n e o f 1946 a n d s u b s e q u e n t l y b ecam e a licen sed m o rtic ia n . W hile a t t e n d i n g W ay n e, he b e c a m e t h e r a d i o c o m m e n t a t o r on a p r o g r a m s p o n s o r e d by th e M e t r o p o l i t a n F u n e r a l S y s te m A s s o c i a t i o n (now th e D e t r o i t M e t r o p o l i t a n M u tu a l A s s u r a n c e C o m p a n y ) . He �- 2- s e r v e d a s c o m m e n t a t o r f o r th a t c o m p a n y and f o r th e H o u s e of D ig g s, Inc. s in c e 1945. H is in f o rm a tiv e ta lk s to a v a s t r a d io a u d ie n c e have b een h e a r d e v e r y S u n d a y n i g h t a t 9 : 3 0 P . M . o n D e t r o i t R a d i o S t a t i o n W JL.B . In 1 948, D i g g s w a s e l e c t e d t o t h e p r e s i d e n c y o f t h e M e t r o p o l i t a n F u n e r a l S y s t e m A s s o c ia tio n , a p o s t w h ic h he r e l i n q u is h e d in 1951. /it p r e s e n t , he is P r e s i d e n t of th e H o u s e of D ig g s, I n c . , w h ic h is r e c o g n i z e d a s M ic h ig a n ' s l a r g e s t f u n e r a l h o m e and a s the l a r g e s t N e g ro -o w n e d f u n e ra l h o m e in th e U nited S ta te s . C h a r l e s C. D i g g s , J r . b e g a n h i s r i s e i n p o l i t i c s w h e n h e w a s e l e c t e d to th e M ic h ig a n S tate S en ate. He s e r v e d a s S ta te S e n a t o r f r o m the T h ir d D i s t r i c t for four s e s s io n s - - 1 9 5 1 , 1 9 5 2 , 1953, a n d 1 9 5 4 . On N o v e m b e r 2, 1954, C h a r l e s C . D i g g s , J r . w a s e l e c t e d a s M ic h ig a n 's f i r s t N egro C o n g re s sm a n . D ig g s, who m a r r i e d th e f o r m e r J u a n i ta R o s a r i o , in 1947, is th e f a t h e r o f t h r e e c h i l d r e n — C h a r l e s C . , III, 5 y e a r s o f a g e ; D e n i s e , 4; a n d A l e x i s , 3. P arish . M r s . D iggs, a C a th o lic and the c h ild r e n atten d V isita tio n T he C o n g r e s s m a n i s a m e m b e r of C a lv a r y B a p t i s t C h u r c h . h a s b e e n a c tiv e in m a n y c o m m u n ity o r g a n iz a tio n s . 1 2 /1 5 /5 5 He � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 18: Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Autobiographic Sketch of Congressman Charles C. Diggs, Jr., 1955 Description An account of the resource Autobiographical sketch of Charles C. Diggs, Jr., Michigan's first African-American Congressman. Includes education, military record, work experience, and time spend in public service. Dated December 15, 1955. 2 pages. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1955-12-15 Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 18, Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource unknown Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 18_1_1_2_38 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/1fbc7eb320dd132c4550e56c6b63cf98.pdf a2235f1cbf54e1d2fcac029b9b07adbb PDF Text Text The Baltimore CountyPublic Schools i T o w so n 4, M a r y l a n d October 5, 1948 To A ll Citizens: W e submit to you, for your thoughtful con- ■ sideration, six important questions involving the general welfare of the children of our com munity. Unprecedented enrollments last year, and again this year, indicate the gravity of the situation in Baltimore County. If additional housing space for the elementary school pupils is not provided in the next few years, we may have to look forw ard to curtailed services and serious overcrowding of our classes in the pri m ary grade field. Our Board of Education is planning to meet the problem through both emergency and long-range planning. The expedients we are now using are both expensive and undesirable. W e invite you to study the information contained in this pamphlet, and to take an active part in bringing about the action necessary to assure that our boys and girls will be properly and adequately housed. Sincerely yours, President Board of Education of Baltimore County ' *** ** Acting Superintendent Board of Education of Baltimore County �Six Important Questions 1. Is there a "housing shortage” in Baltimore County Schools? A t present there are 1,100 children in Baltimore County who are .attend ing school for only one-half session each day and over 2,000 who are housed in churches, community buildings or in sub-standard classrooms. This condition exists even though the regular classrooms are crowded beyond capacity with pupils. 2. What are some of the ill effects of this lack of adequate classrooms? Sub-standard classrooms are hazardous, detrimental to health, and do not provide the proper tools for the best learning. When teachers and pupils try to work under poor lighting conditions, with inadequate heat and ventilation or in buildings where fire hazards exist, results can not be up to standard. Overcrowded classes make it impossible for the teacher to give each child the help he needs and deserves. Children who attend school on the double-session plan receive less than the regular amount of instruction. P art of each day they spend at home or in the community, often without any profitable plan for using their time. It would be difficult to measure the ill effects that these conditions have upon the lives of the boys and girls who must use such inadequate classrooms. 3. Why do we have this "housing shortage”? a. The population of Baltimore County has grown at the rate of about 10,000 people per year for the last six years. This is due to a higher number of births and increased migration of families into Baltimore County, both from Baltimore City and from other areas outside the county. As a result, school enrollments have increased tremendously. b. Due to shortages and restrictions placed upon materials during the �war years there was little school construction and the effects of this lag are now being felt. c. In addition, the “holding power” of the schools has increased be cause more people are interested in gaining a better education. We now provide a 12-year program instead of 11 years. Improved curriculum offer ings are keeping boys and girls in school in larger numbers and for a longer period. This means that more classrooms are needed. 4. W ill this “housing shortage” in schools continue? According to recent surveys the school population will climb from the pre sent enrollment of 33,000 to 53,000 by 1953, an increase of about 20,000 children. Expressed in terms of more classrooms needed, this means 600 additional classrooms or 25 new schools of 24 classrooms each. In the six years between 1936 and 1942 there were 15,633 babies born in Baltimore County, while between 1942 and 1948 there were 33,376 babies born in Baltimore County. This “bumper crop” of babies is now beginning to enter our schools. How and where they will be accommodated is the problem that school officials face. 5. H ow does the Board of Education plan to meet these needs? With school buildings already over-flowing, with the need for reducing the size of classes, and with the rapidly rising enrollments, our Board of Edu cation is confronted with the task of expanding the school facilities to meet growing requirements. Already 17 buildings have been improved, expanded or newly constructed. New schools at Towson, Stemmers Run, and Milford Mills Road are nearing completion. Plans are under way for the purchase of sites and the construction of new schools in the Gray Manor, Mars Estates, 15th District, Rodgers Forge and �Catonsville areas, plus additions at Loch Raven, Arbutus, and Stoneleigh. These schools are classified as urgently needed. Other schools will soon be needed in the areas of Woodlawn, Kingsville, North Point, Lochearn and Timonium. Since it takes approximately three years from the date that plans are started until a school is ready for occupancy, the school officials and the citizens of the county must plan and act courageously now or many of our children, in the immediate future, will be denied the right of receiving the educational opportun ities to which they are entitled. 6. What can you as a citizen do to assure that adequate school facilities will be provided for the children of Baltimore County? The urgent need for the expansion and improvement of existing schools plus the construction of new schools is already evident in many communities. In other areas community growth is rapidly approaching the point where present school facilities can not meet the needs. As a citizen you should be aware of these shortages. a. Become informed of both local community school needs and the needs of the other sections of the county. b. Through your active interest in the Parent Teacher Association and other civic groups you can help inform others. c. You can insist upon an adequate educational program for your child ren and for all children of Baltimore County. d. Finally you can support plans for financing the expansion and im provement of school facilities in Baltimore County. Your Board of Edu cation will submit its financial proposals to the proper government officials this fall and their decisions will depend largely upon the active interest and desires of the citizens of our county. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Baltimore County Public Schools, "Housing Shortage" Pamphlet, October 5, 1948 Description An account of the resource Pamphlet produced by the Baltimore County Public Schools regarding school over crowding. 4 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Baltimore County Public Schools 1948-10-05 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1940s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_6_1_1_13 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/c3c04ff2717944c06045d0f78f2de484.jpg ebcd116223b10720dc345ad984f6e486 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Description An account of the resource Papers donated by George Melvin Richardson, former principal of Hoffman-Boston Junior-Senior High School. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Basketball coach and team Description An account of the resource Portrait of the Hoffman-Boston basketball team with their coach. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Black and white photograph Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Photograph Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 307_0055 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/09fd54cf7caac313c20ce184616e9ac4.jpg b4894cfeab00ddea49405af4750663d8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Description An account of the resource Papers donated by George Melvin Richardson, former principal of Hoffman-Boston Junior-Senior High School. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Basketball players Description An account of the resource Members of theHoffman-Boston basketball team look on during a basketball game. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Black and white photograph Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Photograph Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 307_0054 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/bc2d4076e4a4769c48b09e0d17aa8b9e.jpg 9b3dd2b8aef964ee5301b5cd33f3fd87 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Description An account of the resource Papers donated by George Melvin Richardson, former principal of Hoffman-Boston Junior-Senior High School. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Basketball team Description An account of the resource Action shot of Hoffman-Boston basketball players on the court. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Black and white photograph Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Photograph Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 307_0056 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/0cf689738e3633785911e3953478f65b.jpg 3abed7941bf072580337595421f9c985 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Description An account of the resource Papers donated by George Melvin Richardson, former principal of Hoffman-Boston Junior-Senior High School. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Basketball team - Magic circles Description An account of the resource Hoffman-Boston basketball team seated along and next to bench in street clothes. Two students hold trophies as the others admire. Three students' heads are circled on the photographic print to single them out in some way. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Black and white photograph Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Photograph Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 307_0057 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/caeec07b394f9291cfd7b22b3bfe9de8.jpg 94aeb138d5a70963c125e3f28e56b8d2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Better Schools Make Better Communities Description An account of the resource Political novelty license plate that reads "Better Schools Make Better Communities" Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, Collector Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Photograph Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context RG19_SG6_S3_F1_Better Schools License Plate https://projectdaps.org/files/original/8342f622723c075f78e4eda58e419a47.pdf c37d3a09343787e097d14cea9ea731d5 PDF Text Text VIRGINIA: IN THE LAW ANt) EQUITY COURT OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE, a corporation, ) ( and ) ( VIRGINIA STATE CONFERENCE OF NAACP BRANCHES, an unincorporated association, ) ( ) Complainants versus: ( ) ( Buckingham, Virginia ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) Roanoke, Virginia ) Lawrencevllle, Virginia In Chancery, ) Fredericksburg, Virginia ) ) ( ) ( ) COMMITTEE ON OFFENSES AGAINST THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE Capitol Building Richmond, Virginia JOHN B. BOATWRIGHT, No. EARL A. FITZPATRICK, FRANCIS B. GOULDMAN, JOSEPH C. HUTCHESON, FRANK P. MONCUKE, Stafford, Virginia WILLIAM F. STONE, Martinsville, Virginia JAMES M. THOMSON, Alexandria, Virginia and JOHN B. BOATWRIGHT, JR., 901 Woodberry Road Richmond, Virginia Defendants BILL OF COMPLAINT ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) To the Honorable Judges of the said Court, Your complainants. National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, a corporation, and Virginia State Conference of NAACP Branches, an unincorporated association, respectfully represent: �1. Complainant, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, is a non-profit New York membership corporation organized and existing under the laws of the State of New York since 1911. Complainant, Virginia State Conference of NAACP Branches, is an unincorporated affiliate of the cor porate complainant, as will hereinafter appear. The corporate complainant has registered with the State Corporation Commission and has fully complied with state laws relating to foreign corporations. The complainants' basic aim and purpose is to secure for American Negroes those rights guaranteed them by the Constitution and laws of the United States. In its Articles of Incorporation, a copy of which is attached hereto as Exhibit "A", the prin cipal objectives of the corporate complainant are described as follows: . . . voluntarily to promote equality of rights and eradicate caste or race prejudice among the citizens of the United States; to advance the interest of colored citizens; to secure for them impartial suffrage; and to increase their opportunities for securing justice in the courts, education for their children, employment according to their ability, and complete equality before the law. To ascertain and publish all facts bearing upon these subjects and to take any lawful action thereon; together with any kind and all things which may lawfully be done by a membership corporation organized under the laws of the State of New York for the further advancement of these objects. In accord with its charter and national constitution, the corporate complai nant has chartered various branches in Virginia for the purpose of carrying on the work of the organization in Virginia. These branches are unincor porated entities subject only to such control by the corporate complainant as is set out in the national constitution and constitution for branches, copy of which is hereto attached as Exhibits "B" and "C". In addition to the various branches, the corporate complainant has approved the existence of an unincorporated state-wide organization of the Virginia branches known as the Virginia State Conference of NAACP Branches, maintained b y the branches, through which they seek to act in concert and to pool their resources on issues of state-wide interest. 2. By virtue of its activity throughout the 1(9 years of its existence in its efforts to secure equal rights and equal opportunities for colored citizens in the United States, the corporate complainant, through it affiliates, - 2 - �V has come to be regarded as the chief organization through which colored citizens of the United States and of the State of Virginia may act to se cure the rights guaranteed them by the Constitution and laws of the United States. It is a fact, generally known, that complainants encourage, and, upon request, furnish legal assistance to and pay costs for, individuals or groups of individuals who, through: litigation, will oppose racial discrimination or racial segregation under color of law or of legal autho rity. Within the State of Virginia it has been found that resort to the courts constitutes the most effective means available for securing equal rights and equal opportunities for colored citizens} and it has also been found that most of the popular support for the Virginia State Conference of NAACP Branches has come as a result of a desire of people to associate them selves for the vindication of individual constitutional rights through liti gation. 3. The defendant, Comjnittee on Offenses Against the Administration of Justice, hereinafter referred to as defendant committee, exists b y virtue of Chapter 373 of the Acts of the General Assembly, 1958 Session, copy of which is attached as Exhibit "B", and by virtue of the appointment thereto, pursuant to said statute, of John B. Boatwright, Earl A. Fitzpatrick, Francis B. Gbuldman, Joseph C. Hutcheson, Frank Moncure, William F. Stone, and James M. Thomson, all of whom are made defendants herein. Defendant committee has its principal office in the City of Richmond, and may hold hearings! anywhere in the State. I. t Said statute directs that the defendant committee "shall investigate and determine the extent and manner in which the laws of the Commonwealth relating to the administration of justice are being observed, administered and enforced and shall, specifically direct its attention to the observance and to the methods and means of administration and enforcement of those laws, whether statutory or common law, relating to champerty, maintenance, barratry, running and capping and other offenses of any other nature relating to the promotion or support of litigation b y persons who are not parties thereto?. And by said statute the defendant committee is "further authorized to inves- - 3 - �tigate and determine the extent and manner, in which the laws of the Common wealth relating to State income and other taxes are being observed b y and administered and enforced with respect to, persons, corporations, organiza tions, associations and other individuals and groups who or which seek to promote or support litigation to which they are not parties contrary to the statutes and common law pertaining to champerty, maintenance, barratry, running and capping and other offenses of like nature". 5. The said statute is part of a studied plan of the Commonwealth of Virginia to preserve racial segregation in public schools and other public facilities. From May 17, 1951*, to date, the executive and legislative de partments of the Commonwealth of Virginia have concentrated upon devising ways and means of preventing the enforcement of the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States that racial segregation in public education is unconstitutional. (Report of Commission on Public Education, Senate Document No. 1, General Assembly of Virginia, 1955 Extra Session; Assembly of Virginia, Chapter 2, 1955 Extra Session; Acts of the General Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, Chapter 1, 1956 Session; Senate Joint Resolution No. 3, General Assembly of Virginia, 1956 Session; House Joint Resolution No. 97, General Assembly of Virginia, 1956 Session; General Assembly of Virginia, 1956 Extra Session; Senate Document No. 1, Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, 1956 Extra Session, Chapter 31 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 18-31*9.9 to I8~3li9.l6, inclusive). Chapter 32 (Virginia Code, 1950, Sections 18-31*9.17 to 18-31*9.21*, inclusive). Chapter 33 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 5k-7k, 5U—78 and 5U-79), Chapter 3U, Chapter 35 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 18-31*9.25 to 18-31*9.30, inclusive). Chap ter 36 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 18-31*9.31 to 18-31*9.37, inclusive), Chapter 37 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 30-35 to 30-1*1, inclusive). Chapter 1 7 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 5U-52.1), Chapter 56 (Code of * Virginia, 1950, Sections 22-115.19), Chapter 57 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 22-115.1 to 22-115.9, inclusive); Chapter 58 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 22-115.10 to 22-115.19, inclusive), Chapter 59 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 22-253.2), Chapter 60 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 22-72 and 22-72.1), Chapter 6l (Code of Virginia, 1950,Section 22-205), - 1 * - �Chapter 62 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 22-115.20), Chapter 63 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 22-56.1), Chapter 61* (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 51*111.10, 51-111.38: 1 to 51-111.38: 3, inclusive), Chapter 65 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 2-:86.1), Chapter 66 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 22-5), Chapter 67 (Code o f Virginia, 1950, Sections 15-577, 22-117, 22-125 to 22-127.1, inclusive, 22-129 and 22-138), Chapter 68 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 22-183.3 to 22-188.15, inclusive), Chapter 69 (Code of Vir ginia, 1950, Sections 22-188.30 to 22-188.1*0, inclusive). Chapter 70 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 22-232.1 to 22-232.16, inclusive )j Items 133, 13l*, 137, 138.. and ll*3j Chapter 71, Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, 1958, Chapter 1*1 ( Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 22-188.1*1 to 22-188.1*5, inclusive). Chapter 213 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 8-67.5), Chapter 223 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 9-1*8.1 to 9-1*8.5, inclusive). Chapter 253 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 5U—52.1), Chapter 319 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 22-188.1*6 to 22-188.1*9, inclusive), Chapter 373 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections 30-35 to 30-l*lR, inclusive 30-1*2 to 30-51, inclusive). Chapter 1*18 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 13.1-282), Chapter 500 (Code of Virginia, 1950,Sections 22-232.1 to 22-232.3, inclusive, 22-232.5, 22-232.7, 22-232.9R, 22-232.10, 22-232.17), Chapter 506 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sec tions 13.1-93, 13.1-118, 13.1-133, 13.1-256, 13.1-280, 13.1-291*, 13.1-311.1, inclusive), Chapter 51*0 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Sections l*l*-lll*.l to l*l*-lll*. 1 , inclusive), Chapter 608 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 30-10), Chapter * 631 (Code of Virginia, 1950, Section 22-188.12), Chapter 61*2, Item 129j House Joint Resolution No. 50, General Assembly of Virginia, 1958 Session). By these activities and legislation, the executive and legislative departments of the Commonwealth of Virginia have sought to continue racial segregation in public schools and other facilities in the Commonwealth, and b y Chapter 373, the subject of this action, they seek to deter citizens from engaging in col lective action to challenge the continuing racially discriminatory practices. 6. The defendant committee is designed to continue the activities of the Committee on Offenses Against the Administration of Justice created by Chapter 3l*, Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, 1956 Extra Session, �and the activities of the Committee of Law Reform and Racial Activity created by Chapter 37, Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, 1956 Extra Session. The committees which were established by the 1956 legislation worked in con junction with each other, employed the same investigators, and exchanged information; and the major part of the activities of each committee had the effect of harassing, intimidating and damaging complainants and organizations with similar purposes, and those persons who had sought and obtained the assis tance of complainants in the prosecution of litigation to enjoin racial segre gation in the public schools. Each of said committees sought production of the names and addresses of complainants' members, contributors, voluntary workers, and associates residing in Virginia, and one or both of said committees required persens who had been plaintiffs in litigation seeking desegregation of public schools to appear and testify concerning their motives for having in voked assistance of complainants, and required citizens to appear and justify under oath their personal views regarding racial segregation. 7. Each of the committees established by the 1956 legislation made a report to the General Assembly of Virginia, at its 1958 Session, charging that complainants, several of complainants' branches, and certain attorneys, by reason of their activities in carrying out the program of the complainants, engaged in the unauthorized and unprofessional practice of law or had com mitted other offenses agbinst the laws of Virginia, and recommended that dis ciplinary action be instituted by the Virginia State Bar; recommended that its activities be continued. and each committee The General Assembly of Virginia, by House Joint Resolution No. 50, 1958 Session, referred the "findings" of said committees to the Virginia State Bar for action; and the General Assembly of Virginia, b y Chapter 373, created the defendant committee to continue the acti vities of the committees created in 1956. By Section 9 of Chapter 373, all transcripts of proceedings and the records of the committees created in 1956 are made subject to the inspection and use of the defendant committee, and all powers, privileges and rights of the committee created by Chapter 3U of the Acts of the General Assembly, 1956 Extra Session, are restored and con ferred upon the defendant committee. - 6- �8. Defendants John B. Boatwright, Earl A. Fitzpatrick, and William F. Stone were members of the Committee! on Offenses Against the Administration of Justice created by the 1956 legislation. Defendants James M. Thomson, Earl A. Fitzpatrick, and Frank P. Moncure were members of the Committee on Law Reform and Racial Activity created by the 1956 legislation. 9. Chapter 373 confers upon the defendant committee or upon the chairman thereof, power and authority to issue subpoenas requiring the attendance of witnesses and the production of documents and to apply for and obtain compul sory process from courts. The statute also creates the extraordinary and unprecedented procedure o f authorizing the defendant committee, or any member thereof, to obtain from a court an attachment for any book, record, photograph or other writing in the possession of or subject to the control of any person. The statute provides for initiation of such attachment upon a sworn petition describing the writing with reasonable certainty and describing the grounds upon which the attachment is sought, and declares that there is sufficient ground for attachment where it appears from the petition that the person named therein is destroying, removing or concealing or is about to destroy, remove or conceal, or that it merely is believed that, if otherwise proceeded against, such person will destroy, remove or conceal such writings to avoid their production. The clerk with idiom such petition is filed is required to issue an attachment in accordance with its prayer, directing the sheriff or sergeant to attach the writing described and to keep the same in his pos session until the further order of the court and make return thereon not more than 30 days from the date of service. 10. Complainants are advised and allege that any exercise, under Chapter 373, of compulsory process against any person not charged with responsibility for law enforcement would be a deprivation of liberty without due process of law, since it is apparent upon the face of the statute that no valid legis lative purpose can thereby be served. The statute does not disclose that the General Assembly of Virginia deems desirable the enactment of or even the con sideration of any proposed legislation. The statute does not disclose that �the General Assembly of Virginia wants to be informed of any specific fact, or of the facts pertinent to any specific subject, concerning which legis lative action, rather than executive or judicial action, may be taken. Insofar as the committee is expressly directed to investigate and detennine the extent and manner in which certain laws are being observed and insofar as the committee is inferentially authorized to require a person to testify whether he or someone else has violated such laws, the statute purports to authorize police or judicial action which bears no reasonable relation to the law making function. The 1958 session of the General Assembly of Virgi nia, now i n adjournment sine die, manifestly had no purpose of using the report which the committee is directed to make not later than sixty days preceding the next regular (i960) session; and it could not form or express a purpose for the i 960 session or any member thereof, none of -shorn has been elected. 11. Chapter 373 invests defendant committee with a broad and ill-defined jurisdiction and discretion as to the subjects to be investigated, the wit nesses and documents to be examined, and the interrogations to be made. It in no way circumscribes defendants' exercise of the power of compulsory process to prevent compelled disclosures of information that the legislature might not validly acquire because of the . effect of disclosure upon the con stitutionally protected rights and freedoms of individual citizens, or other wise safeguard such interests from unwarranted, improper or unconstitutional inquiry. The scope of the investigation that the defendant committee is authorized to pursue is defined with such ambiguity and uncertainty as to subject witnesses to the hazards of vagueness in the enforcement of criminal process against which the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution of the United States protects. There is no state interest underlying this legislation that could justify the threat of infringement of individual constitutional rights and liberties that Chapter 373 poses. 12. Complainants are advised and believe, and allege upon information and belief, that insofar as the attention of defendant committee is specifi- - 8- �cally directed to persons and groups who or which seek to promote or support litigation to which they are not parties. Chapter 373 provides and inposes pains and penalties upon the complainants, their members and contributors solely because of their exercising and having exercised' their constitutionally protected right and privilege of contributing money for the prosecution of liti gation to preserve civil rights; that to the extent that one or both of the committees which were created b y the 1936 legislation did compel persons who were or had been plaintiffs in litigation seeking racial desegregation in the public schools to appear before it and testify concerning their motives for having done so, and to the extent that defendant committee might do likewise. Chapter 373 provides for the imposition of pains and penalties upon such per sons solely because of their exercising or having exercised their constitu tional right and privilege to seek redress in the courts of the land; and that to the extent that defendant committee is inferentially authorized to compel (as one or both of the committees which were appointed b y the 1936 legislation did compel) any individual to disclose whether or not he or any other person belongs to or supports the purpose of the complainants, or advocates racial desegregation or favors a continuation of racial segregation, or to' disclose his personal beliefs on any subject whatever or to give reasons for his advocacy of or participation in or d o n atim of support for litigation instituted and conducted to compel desegregation of public schools, or other wise to invade the right of privacy of individuals or to propound other questions equally impertinent. Chapter 373 infringes upon rights safeguarded by the First Amendment, and' protected against State invasion by the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and does so in the total absence of any suggestion of danger to the Common wealth of Virginia or to any institution or agency thereof. 13. Complainants are advised and believe, and allege on information and belief, that, by enacting Section 6 of Chapter 373, the General Assembly of Virginia evidenced its purpose to enable defendant committee to cause records of the complainants and of their branches, including lists of their members. - 9 - �contributors, voluntary workers, and associates, to be seized arbitrarily and subjected to official scrutiny and examination inimical to Hie complai nants and to their aims and purposes, and to do so without making any showing of an overriding justification which the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution of the United States requires to be shown or to be apparent prior to any State infringement upon rights safeguarded by the First Amendment of said Constitution. lit. Any attachment and seizure of the records of either of the complai nants or of their branches would materially hamper the complainants in their operation. Other than by injunction, the complainants have no adequate remedy to protect said records, the privileged nature thereof, or their necessary uninterrupted use against attachment. The only remedy afforded by the statute is to challenge the seizure after the complainants will have been deprived of the necessary and continuous use of such records and after the records will have been taken and subjected to hostile scrutiny and exami nation. 15. Other than by injunction, no adequate remedy is available to the plaintiff, its members, contributors, voluntary workers, or associates, to avoid fruitless inquiry into and assault upon the beliefs, expressions and associations of persons who are or may be in accord with and inclined to support the plaintiff's lawful, although dissident, purposes. The mere threat of being interrogated solely because of membership in or support for the complainants, which the statute itself poses, is calculated to deter citizens from joining, supporting, or in any Way permitting themselves to became identified as associated with the complainants. The statute threatens to deter financial support for and membership of the complainants and thus to destroy the effectiveness of the complainants in accomplishing their aims and objectives. 16. John B. Boatwright, defendant, is chairman of the defendant committee and John B. Boatwright, Jr., defendant, is clerk and secreta;ry of defendant committee. It is believed and alleged that they have, or one of them has. - 10 - �custody and control of certain papers and documents which will support allegations made hereinabove, in paragraphs 6, 7, 8 and 12 and elsewhere, said papers and documents being: The transcripts of proceedings before, and the records of, the Legislative Committee created by Chapter 37 of the Acts of Assembly of the Extra Session of 1956, The transcripts of proceedings before and records of, the Joint Committee created by Chapter 3h of the Acts of Assembly of the Extra Session of 1956, Report of Committee on Offenses Against the Administration of Justice, dated November 13, 1957, and Report of Committee on Law Reform and Racial Activities to the Governor and the General Assembly of Virginia (1957). W H E R E F O R E : Complainants pray that defendants, John B. Boatwright and John B. Boatwright, Jr., may be required on oath to say whether they have or either of them has custody or control of the papers and documents mentioned in paragraph numbered 16 (sixteen) of this bill, to produce the said papers and documents and make a full and true discovery and disclosure thereof at such time and place and upon such terms and conditions as the court may determine, and to file herein the said papers and documents, or true copies thereofj and Complainants pray that the defendant committee, the individual members thereof, and their successors in office be restrained and enjoined from (1) in anywise enforcing, executing or proceeding against complainants, their affiliates, officers, members, contributors, voluntary workers, and attorneys associated with the conduct of the program of the complainants, or any of them, under the provisions of Section 6 of Chapter 373, Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, 1958 session, and from (2) in anywise enforcing, execu- 11 - �ting or proceeding under any provision of Chapter 373, Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, 1958 Session, in such manner as to compel, through the use of compulsory process, (a) disclosure of the names or other information leading to the identity of any member, contributor, voluntary worker or asso ciate of the complainants, or of any person who has requested of or received from the complainants assistance in any matter, case or proceeding involving an issue of racial segregation or discrimination, or (b) explanation for, or discussion of, any person's belief or his advocacy of, or participation in, or donation of support for litigation to vindicate rights and privileges secured b y the Constitution and laws of the United States . NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE, a coxporation, VIRGINIA STATE CONFERENCE OF NAACP BRANCHES, an unincorporated association. By:____________________________ , Of counsel. Robert L. Carter 20 West liOth Street New York 18, New York Oliver W. Hill 118 East Leigh Street Richmond 19, Virginia S. W. Tucker 111 East Atlantic Street Enporia, Virginia Counsel for Complainants � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 18: Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bill of Complaint, NAACP and Virginia State Conferee of NAACP Branches versus Committee on Offenses Against the Administration of Justice Description An account of the resource Bill of Complaint for case in the Law and Equity Court of the City of Richmond, regarding action taken by the defendants in investigating the NAACP that the effect of "harassing, intimidating, and damaging the complainants." The Bill makes the claim the John B. Boatwright and John B. Boatwright JR, of the defendants, have custody and control of documents which will support allegations made in the Bill and asks for those documents to be made available. 12 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 18, Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Robert L. Carter, Oliver W. Hill, S. W. Tucker - Counsel for Complainant Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource No date Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 18_1_11_1_6 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/0288d3975c497d02475a5acac2b34538.pdf 0b8b803040ee4b97cae40abc51356ef4 PDF Text Text VIRGINIA: IN THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE CITY OF RICHMOND NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE, a corporation. Complainant, vs. : ALBERTIS S. HARRISON, JR., ATTORNEY GENERAL OF VIRGINIA Supreme Court Building Richmond, Virginia T. GRAY HADDON, COMMONWEALTH'S ATTORNEY FOR THE CITY OF RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, 3818 Hermitage Road Richmond, Virginia HENRY D. GARNETT, COMMONWEALTH'S ATTORNEY FOR THE CITY OF NEWPORT NEWS, VIRGINIA, 208 Parkway Drive Newport News, Virginia LINWOOD B. TABB, COMMONWEALTH'S ATTORNEY FOR THE CITY OF NORFOLK, VIRGINIA, 1118 North Shore Road Norfolk, Virginia WILLIAM J. HASSAN, COMMONWEALTH'S ATTORNEY FOR THE COUNTY OF ARLINGTON, VIRGINIA, 5806 Ninth Road, North Arlington, Virginia FRANK N. WATKINS, COMMONWEALTH'S ATTORNEY FOR THE COUNTY OF PRINCE EDWARD, VIRGINIA Farmville, Virginia, : INCHANCERY NO. ______ _ : : : : : : : : : : : Defendants. BILL OF COMPLAINT TO THE HNORABLE E. W. HENING, JR., JUDGE OF SAID COURT: Complainant respectfully shows the following case: 1. This is a suit for a judgment declaratory of the construction and interpretation of Chapters 31, 32 and 35 of �of the Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, Extra Session 1956, being Sections 18-349.9 to 18-349.16, 18-349.17 to 18349.24, and 18-349.25 6o 18-349.30, respectively, of the Code of Virginia of 1950, as amended, as they may affect the com plainant, its affiliates, officers, members, contributors, voluntary workers, attorneys engaged by it or to whom it may contribute monies, or litigants receiving its assistance in cases involving racial discrimination, because of the activi ties of complainant in the past or the continuance of like activities in the future, in the light of complainant's con tentions that enforcement thereof would deny complainant, its Virginia State Conference of Branches, its branches, officers, members, contributors, voluntary workers, attorneys engaged by it or to whom it may contribute monies, or litigants receiving its assistance, their liberty and property without due process of law and the equal protection of the laws secured by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. 2. Complainant's basic aims and purposes are to se cure the elimination of all racial barriers which deprive Negro citizens of the privileges and burdens of equal citizenship rights in the United States. As stated in its Articles of In corporation, its principal objectives are as follows: ,..voluntarily to promote equality of rights and eradicate caste or race prejudice among the citizens of the United States; to advance the interest of colored citizens; to secure for them impartial suf frage; and to increase their opportunities for se curing justice in the courts, education for their children, employment according to their ability and complete equality before the law. To ascertain and publish all facts bearing upon these subjects and to take any lawful action thereon; together with any kind and all things which may law fully be done by a membership corporation organized under the laws of the State of New York for the fur ther advancement of these objects. - 2 - �Complainant has registered with the State Corporation Commission and has complied fully with state laws relating to foreign corporations which were in force prior to the enactments here being contested. By virtue of its activities through the fifty years of its existence in its efforts to secure equal rights and equal opportunities for colored citizens of the United States, complainant has become regarded as a chief instrument through which colored citizens of the United States and of the State of Virginia may act in their effort to remove the burdens and penalties imposed by restrictions based upon race and color. Prior to the enactment of the laws herein complained of, the activities of complainant have been recognized and regarded by the public, public officials and the courts in Virginia as a normal American procedure for the redress of grievances. 3. In accord with its charter and national constitutio complainant has chartered various branches in Virginia for the purpose of carrying on the work of the organization in Virginia. These branches are independent unincorporated associations sub ject only to such control by complainant-corporation as is set out in the national constitution and constitution and by-laws for branches. In addition to the various branches, there is a state wide organization of branches known as the Virginia State Con ference of NAACP Branches maintained by the branches through which they seek to act in concert and pool their strength on issues of state-wide interest. Its chief activity is to acquaint the people of the state with the facts regarding segregation and discrimination and to inform Negroes as to their legal rights and to encourage the assertion of those rights when they are - 3 - �denied. This program is carried out through public meetingss speeches, press releases, news letters and other media. 4. Complainant, its Virginia State Conference of NAAC Branches, its branches and members, have worked jointly and severally in concert to secure the eradication of enforced racial segregation pursuant to governmental authority and the elimina tion of all other forms of racial discrimination imposed by law or custom. This effort has been pursued in various ways s (1) by apprising the public of the adverse effects of racial discrimination; (2) by seeking to secure the passage of federal and local legislation barring racial discrimination in various facets of American life and by seeking these results through executive action wherever possible; (3) by encouraging Negro citizens to assert their constitutional rights and seek redress in the courts wherever necessary; (4) by advocating the removal of all racial barriers to the full participation in community life cf Negro citizens; (5) by contributing to the payment of fees or expenses incident to the prosecution of litigation involving the consti tutionality of racially discriminatory governmental action; (6) by aiding in defraying expenses of such litigation from funds raised by public solicitation. This has been the manner in which complainant has sought to give aid in the overall struggle in the United States for a society in which considerations of race and color will have no part and proposes to continue such activities in the future. No questions were ever raised concerning the legality of complain ant's activities in Virginia or elsewhere until the Supreme Court decision on May 17, 1954, outlawing segregation in public schools. Since that decision, state officials have been seeking - 4 - �to find ways and means to avoid its implementation, and have con cluded that complainant must be destroyed if segregation is to be preserved in this state. Thus, the General Assembly, at its said special session in 1956 which was devoted almost solely to finding ways and means of preserving segregation in the public schools, enacted, among others, Chapters 31, 32 and 35, specifically intended to bar com plainant, its Virginia State Conference, its branches or members from assisting others in court tests of the legality of govern mental action preserving segregation in the state's public schools. By this legislation, Negro citizens are in effect denied access to the courts in Virginia to seek redress against state officials for deprivation of their constitutional rights. 5. Defendant Albertis S. Harrison, Jr., is Attorney General of Virginia and as such is the chief executive officer of the Department of Law of the Commonwealth of Virginia and is charged with enforcement of all laws of the Commonwealth, including the statutes aforesaid. 6. Defendants T. Gray Haddon, Henry D. Garnett, Linwood B. Tabb, Jr., William J. Hassan and Frank N. Watkins are the Commonwealth's attorneys for the cities of Richmond, Newport News, and Norfolk, and the counties of Arlington and Prince Edward, Vir ginia, respectively, and are each charged with the enforcement of the laws aforesaid. 7. Chapter 31 undertakes to forbid any corporation to solicit funds from the public, or to expend funds received from any source for prosecuting proceedings to which it is not a party, or in which it has no pecuniary right or liability, unless and until it annually files with the Clerk of the State Corporation - 5 - �Commission certain data, including a certified list of the names and addresses of its members, contributors and voluntary workers; a certified statement detailing by each transaction its expendi tures during the preceding calendar year, the objects for which made and any other information relative thereto required by the State Corporation Commission; and a certified statement showing the counties and cities in which it proposes to or does finance or maintain litigation to which it is not a party. For failure to file this information a corporation and its members, agents and employees are subject to various penalties, criminal and civil. 8. Chapter 32 undertakes to require every corporation engaging in functions or activities in the promoting or opposing in any manner the passage of legislation by the General Assembly in behalf of any race or color, or in advocating racial integra tion, or in raising or expending funds for the employment of counsel or payment of costs in connection with litigation in be half of any race or color in Virginia, to annually register with the Clerk of the State Corporation Commission and file the names and addresses of its members, contributors and voluntary workers in Virginia. Such information is open to public inspection. For failure to file this information a corporation and its members, agents and employees are subject to various penalties, criminal and civil, and each day's failure to register and furnish this information constitutes a separate offense. Specifically exemp ted from the provisions of this Chapter, however, are corpora tions "which carry on such activity or business solely through the medium of newspapers, periodicals, magazines or other like means which are or may be admitted under United States postal - 6 - �regulations as second-class mail matter in the United States mails as defined in Title 39, §224, United States Code Anno tated, and/or through radio, television or facsimile broadcast or wire service operations"; also excepted are corporations engaged in "activities connected with any political campaign." 9. of "barratry". Chapter 35 undertakes to define and punish the crim Barratry is defined as "the offense of stirring up litigation", "stirring up litigation" as "instigating or attempting to instigate a person or persons to institute a suit at law or equity," "instigating" as "bringing it about that all or part of the expenses of the litigation are paid by the barra tor or by a person or persons (other than the plaintiffs) acting in concert with the barrator, unless the instigation is justified," "justified" as meaning "that the instigator is related by blood or marriage to the plaintiff whom he instigates, or that the instigator is entitled by law to share with the plaintiff in money or property that is the subject of the litigation or that the instigator has a direct interest in the subject matter of the litigation or occupies a position of trust in relation to the plaintiff, or that the instigator is acting on behalf of a duly constituted legal aid society approved by the Virginia State Bar which offers advice or assistance in all kinds of legal matters to all members of the public who come to it for advice or assis tance and are unable because of poverty to pay legal fees," and "direct interest" as meaning "a personal right or a pecuniary right or liability." It is specifically provided that This act shall not be applicable to attorneys who are parties to contingent fee contracts with their clients where the attorney does not protect the client from payment of the costs and expenses of litigation, nor shall this act apply to any matter 7 �involving annexation, zoning, bond issues, or the Holding or results of any election or referendum, nor shall this act apply to suits pertaining to or affecting possession of or title to real or personal property, regardless of ownership, nor shall this act apply to suits involving the legality of assess ment or collection of taxes or the rates thereof, nor shall this act apply to suits involving rates or changes of services by common carriers or public utilities nor shall this act apply to criminal prose cutions, nor to the payment of attorneys by legal aid societies approved by the Virginia State Bar, nor to proceedings to abate nuisances. Nothing herein shall be construed to be in derogation of the constitutional rights of real parties in interest to employ counsel or to prosecute any available legal remedy under the laws of this State. 10. In places wherein defendants have a legal duty to enforce said statutes, and elsewhere in the Commonwealth, the complainant has (a) promoted or opposed legislation on racial grounds and proposes to continue to promote or oppose legisla tion on racial grounds as long as vital civil rights of Negroes in this Commonwealth are adversely affected because of their race or color; (b) advocated racial integration in public schools, housing, places of public accomodation, and in employment, and proposes to continue to advocate racial integration in all of said phases of community life within this Commonwealth as long as considerations of race continue to be a vital factor; (c) con tributed, and proposes to continue to contribute, upon request, the services of attorneys, expert and scientific data which illuminate the ravages of racism, monies toward counsel fees and the expenses of litigation in cases initiated or pending which raise question for decision concerning the legality of racially discriminatory conduct with respect to the use and availability of public facilities; (d) afforded, and proposes to continue to afford, advice and counsel to persons requesting the same with respect to matters involving their civil rights; and (e) in formed, and proposes to continue to inform, citizens through - 8 - �public meetings, speeches and other media, as to their civil rights, and to encourage the assertion of those rights when denied. 11. On November 29, 1956, complainant instituted in the United States District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, Richmond Division, Civil Action No. 2435, against the defendants herein, seeking a declaratory judgment as to, and an injunction restraining the enforcemnt of, certain laws enacted at the 1956 Extra Session of the General Assembly of Virginia, including Chapters 31, 32 and 35, on the ground that the enforce ment of said statutes against complainant, its Virginia State Conference, its branches, officers, members, contributors or voluntary workers, attorneys engaged by it or to whom it might contribute monies, or litigants to whom it might lend assistance, because of its activities in the past or the continuance of like activities in the future, would deny complainant, its Virginia State Conference, its branches, members, contributors and volun tary workers, attorneys engaged by it or to whom it might con tribute monies, or litigants to whom it might lend assistance their liberty and property without due process of law and the equal protection of the laws secured by the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. The Court, in an opinion rendered January 21, 1958, and by a judgment entered April 30, 1958, adjudged these statutes unconstitutional. On June 8, 1959, the Supreme Court of the United States vacated this judgment and remanded the case to the District Court of the United States with instructions to afford complainant a reasonable opportunity to bring appropriate proceedings in the Virginia courts and to retain its own jurisdiction of the 9 �case, which was accordingly done by order of the District Court entered on July 20, 1959. 12. The activities of complainant, its Virginia State Conference, its branches, members, voluntary workers, contribu tors and attorneys engaged by it or to whom it has contributed monies, have been investigated by three committees created by the General Assembly, two of which have reported to the General Assembly that, in their judgment, the activities of the com plainant and its subordinates in advocating the elimination of racial segregation and in urging citizens to challenge in courts the constitutionality of Virginia's segregation laws, and rais ing and expending monies to defray the costs and expenses of litigation designed to eradicate racial segregation, particu larly segregation in the public schools of this Commonwealth, violate the provisions of Chapters 31, 32 and 35 of the Code of 1950, as amended, as well as activities of attorneys engaged by it or to whom it has contributed monies to prosecute or de fend cases in which questions concerning constitutionality of racially discriminatory state action were raised. The afore said two legislative committees have recommended that proper state governmental officials take appropriate action under these statutes to enforce the penalties provided therein against complainant, its Virginia State Conference, its branches, mem bers and attorneys engaged by it or to whom it has contributed monies, and such recommendations have been approved by the General Assembly of Virginia. In the case in the district court as mentioned in para graph 11, the defendants attempted to establish that complain ant's aforesaid activities violated the statutes under a fair 10 - �interpretation of the scope and meaning of the statutes, that the statutes constitute a valid exercise of the state's police power and that the district court should sustain the statutes as constitutional and hold for defendants on the merits. More over, complainant believes and so alleges that said statutes would have been enforced against complainant but for the fact that an injunction issued on them in the federal court. There fore, complainant is faced with imminent and immediate threat of irreparable injury to itself, its liberty and property, and to its Virginia State Conference, its branches, members, voluntary workers, contributors and attorneys engaged by it or to whom it might contribute monies and their liberty and property by vir tue of the fact that defendants and other state officials charged with the enforcement of these statutes have manifested an inten tion to apply the statutes and their penalties to complainant. 13. As demonstrated by the above allegations this creates an actual controversy and an actual antagonistic asser tion and denial of rights between complainant and the defendants, they being the ones charged by law with the assertion of the governmental position, with regard to whether or not the activi ties of the complainant as heretofore set forth violate the pro visions of Chapters 31, 32 and 35 aforesaid, or either of them, and with regard to the proper interpretation of said statutes. WHEREFORE, complainant prays that this court render a declaratory decree and make a binding adjudication of right that the activities of the complainant, its Virginia State Conference, its branches, members, voluntary workers, contributors and co operating attorneys through political activity before govern mental bodies, by expending monies to defray the costs and 11 - �expenses in whole or in part of litigation designed to eradicate racial segregation from governmental or public functions, by the solicitation of funds for such purposes, and by assisting litigants in their efforts seeking to secure equal rights and justice for colored citizens by persuading them to exercise and assert their constitutional rights through redress in the courts, and the actions of litigants in seeking, receiving or accepting the assistance of complainant are legitimate functions in which complainant, its Vir ginia State Conference, members, voluntary workers, contributors and cooperating attorneys and litigants receiving or accepting the assistance of complainant may participate under rights guaranteed it and them by the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States, and do not violate the provisions of said statutes or either of them; or, if these do violate the statutes, that said statutes violate the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States' Constitution, and their enforce ment against the complainant, its Virginia State Conference, its members, voluntary workers, contributors and cooperating attorneys and litigants seeking, receiving or accepting its assistance be permanently enjoined as being in derogation of its and their con stitutionally secured rights; and that this court award complain ant its costs in this behalf expended. NATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OF COLORED PEOPLE, a corporation. Complainant, By______________________________ Of Counsel for Complainant Robert L. Carter 20 West 40th Street New York 18, New York Oliver W. Hill 118 East Leigh Street Richmond 19, Virginia S. W. Tucker 111 East Atlantic Street Emporia, Virginia Counsel for Complainant - 12 - � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 18: Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bill of Complaint, NAACP versus Albertis S. Harrison, JR., Attorney General of Virginia, et al. Description An account of the resource Bill of Complaint for case in the Circuit Court of the City of Richmond, regarding actions by the General Assembly in 1956 which were "specifically intended to bar [the NAACP et al] from assisting others in court tests of the legality of governmental action preserving segregation in the state's public schools. 12 pages Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 18, Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Robert L. Carter, Oliver W. Hill, S. W. Tucker - Counsel for Complainant Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1956 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 18_1_11_1_18 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/32931f522be3277603275f436d509ca8.jpg 04c57270170ce208e3820d8a820e67d7 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Description An account of the resource Papers donated by George Melvin Richardson, former principal of Hoffman-Boston Junior-Senior High School. Still Image A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Biology Description An account of the resource Students and teacher perform dissection in Hoffman-Boston Biology lab. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource Black and white photograph Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 307, The George Melvin Richardson Collection Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Photograph Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 307_0014 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/c6adc4ad11a45895f3813ecd8bc8b485.pdf df1186f949af50ce20c82aaa6d4a14cc PDF Text Text 19 - ( N A M E P a y to th e * rd e r o f i N a. O F___B A N K ) ARLINGTON COMMITTEE TO PRESERVE PUBLIC SCHOOLS P. O. BOX 71 12 , AR LIN G TO N 7, V IR G IN IA .Sbo/L ADDRESS. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Description An account of the resource This collection consists of the personal papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell, and covers the period from 1945 through 1991, with the bulk of the material falling between 1947 and 1959. The materials in this collection were generated or collected as a result of Mrs. Campbell's involvement in the Arlington County School Board, as well as her interests and activities in education and local politics. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Blank check: "Pay to the order of Arlington Committee to Preserve Public Schools", no date Description An account of the resource Blank check: "Pay to the order of Arlington Committee to Preserve Public Schools". Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource No Date Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 19, The Personal Papers of Elizabeth Pfohl Campbell Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Arlington Committee To Preserve Public Schools Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. nauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 19_2_8_1_3 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/941be4fa4a9b400288af02c776815ea9.pdf 6ab1eecf8183583fc37e246a37c794d8 PDF Text Text ON L E A V I N G A R L I N G T O N THE WASHINGTON F r id a y , A u g . 19 , 1966 ' ...in Bogen Hits t Critics of Arlington Schools ARLINGTON - Robert W. Bo gen, former executive secretary of the Aldington Education As sociation (AEA), blasted critics of tile County School Board la st» night at the board meeting. Bogen recently resigned after three years at his AEA post in order to complete work on his doctorate. Bogen also announced the ap pointment of his successor, Ken neth Law, 30, a graduate of Col umbia University and past execu tive secretary of the Connecticut Edacation Association. LAW WAS appointed by the AEA Monday, Bogen said. Following is the text of Bogen’s speech to the board: “DURING more than three years in Arlington County I have had the unique opportunity to view the trends in public policy in three separate roles, as the executive secretary of an organ ization representing more than 90 per cent of the professional staff of the public schools, as a parent until children in its schools, and a taxpaying citizen. “Now that my tenure is coming to an end, I feel compelled to make a few observations from each of three roles. “As a former classroom teach er and a spokesman for Arling ton’s educators, I have a very good feeling about the outlook for (ovet) In other action, the Board, heard comments from Robert) Bogen, outgoing president! POST W. the Arlington Education As-q of i n n Bogen said that A Josociation. county politicianscon-f servative op-1 posed to school policy “have a', lengthy record of affiliation o r " Isympathy with such extreme groups as the John Birch So• ciety or similar right - wing . groups.” He charged that they display • a “dangerous blend of racism,! intolerance toward opposing views, a conspiratorial view of events and a conviction thatthe program, personnel and m aterials of the school must' be ‘evaluated’ to assure that' they reflect the ‘right’ think ing.” the children of our community in terms of the capabilities and at titudes of its School Board and administrative staff. “While the views of the Arling ton Education Association have sometimes clashed — and often quite vigorously — with those of Arlington school leaders, we have always had no doubt about the dedication of those leaders to the primary objective of bettering educational opportunities and thereby strengthening the overall well being of die county. "EACH OP our School Board members has a blend of special ized graduate training and more than 15 years’ experience in re levant subject fields, a record of leadership in school and civic af fairs prior to membership on the Board, and the experience of having had at least two children graduate from our schools. In cooperation with a very able staff, they have steadily increased the meaningful opportunities for groups and individual citizens to play a constructive role in the process of determining priorities on school spending and other ma jor issues. “After careful deliberation and consideration of staff and citizens views, they have made signifi cant additions to the quantity, quality, and variety of instruction al offerings, specialized person nel, and materials to meet iden tified educational needs of the community. “AS A PARENT. I am pleased to say with considerable convic tion that the truly national re putation for excellence of the (See COUNTY, Page 3) �(Continued From Page One) noi the most imoprtant thing they tremist views. Arlingtoin schools has been borne have in common. "Even a few minutes of pri out in the experience of my own What these persons do have in vate, candid conversation with children. In both academic and ccmmon that is important is un them reveals to any reasonable enrichment subjects, they have pleasant to recite, but because of person the dangerous blend of hdd unexcelled opportunities for its potential for seriously under- racism, Intolerance toward op learning which I had heard dis ming 20 years of educational gains posing views, a conspiritorial cussed enthusiastically in many in Arlington, they must be point view of events, and a conviction parts of the country before com ed out. that the program, personnel, and “THE THINGS which I have materials of the schools must be ing to Arlington. Unfortunately, the optimism I observed are several: a complete "evaluated” to assure that they might have for Arlington’s future lack of interest in the unglam- reflected the "right” thinking. because of my observations in my orous task of offering reasonable “EXPERIENCE in the late relationships with its School alternatives and constructive sol 1950’s in Arlington showed that Board and staff and as a parent utions to school problems despite these persons can create rancor is considerably clouded by what almost unlimited opportunities, and discord, even from a minor I see as a citizen who has parti and urging from school officials; ity position, which complelled a cipated in a wide variety of a willingness to distrt or com former superintendent himself to activities involving persons and pletely ignore easily ascertainable leave the community. groups from all sectors of our facts (not matters of opinion) in “I do not like to leave Arling frequent and intemperate critic ton on such a sour note, for I am community. "For while I have watched the ism of existing policies; and con convinced that the vast majority School Board, the staff, and many tinued lip service to “good of its citizens are sensible, res unselfish parents and citizens try- schools" which is flatly contra ponsible people who recognize the to find reasonable solutions to dicted by officially recorded need to maintain and improve complex and sometimes emotion statements and actions. quality education and other public al problems, I have at the same "Such tactics are not unusual services within the limits of their time observed statements and among persons, whatever their resources. actions by a small but determined philosophy, who are obsessed with “ HOWEVER. I have seal these group of other persons who pose gaining poljjical or economic same people confused and dis a serious threat to the progress power. However, the danger to turbed sufficiently by the steady education in Arlington County barrage of deliberately mislead of the past. "While die key leaders of this posed by their total unwillingness ing, extremist propaganda to de effort generally bear the same to give a fair hearing to education feat a bond referendum for a political label there is consider or other public needs is greatly badly needed new school — and able evidence that their views do compounded by another less visi thereby increase the cost of pro not represent the rank and file ble threat. viding it later. of the group the propose to “The persons who seem to have "Thus, as one citizen who has speak for. the greatest personal influence enjoyed a unique opportunity to “This label is important be and provied by far the greatest come to know and admire this cause of the likelihood their financial support to these ful! community and its people, and. its statements will be quoted widely time critics of Arlington’s educa school system, I felt I must make and given at least a superficial tional policy have a lengthy re one last attempt to focus public aura of respectability based on cord of affiliation or sympathy attention on a small but potent the reputation of a major na with such extreme groups as the force which threatens to damage, tional political party, but it is John Birch Society or similar ex perhaps irreparably, the efforts which have made Arlington the first rate community that it is.” � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 09, Records of the Citizen's Committee for School Improvement Description An account of the resource Record Group 9 houses the scattered records of the Citizen's Committee for School Improvement for the period from 1946-1954 and 1956-1969. The Committee, a nonpartisan association, was formed in Arlington, Virginia in 1946, with the immediate purpose of influencing the selection of Arlington School Board candidates. The Constitution of the committee adopted in 1947 states that the organization's goals "are to advance the nature of the population, the needs of the time, and the resources of the community." Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bogen To School Board Description An account of the resource Bogen addresses his relationship with Arlington school leaders and the School Board. 2 pages. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 9 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Washington Post Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1960s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 9_0_18_1_2 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/36beffb3c652a6cd4cff4278e0fd847d.pdf 297e3a07a519e4f8d94a3fd2b28d88d3 PDF Text Text October 6, 1964 - 2 - Comprehensive Insurance and Bonding coverage for AEfl Office On a comparative three year basis, making the one year payments would amount to $733.05 while on a 3 year basis (where available) the payment would amount to $660.00 thereby giving AEfl the savings of *73.05. In order to take advantage of this substantial saving of association funds, the budgeted item of $250 was overspent by $372 with approval of the officers in June. Actually the entire budget for insurance and bonding of $240 was unspent from last year's budget since we delayed payment on this item until we could properly assess the needs for a comprehensive program. When .next year's budget is formulated, this item of insurance and bonding will consolidate these expenditures and set up a running account to take advantage of the three year savings without affecting any one year's budget drastically. �ARLINGTON EDUCATION ASSOCIATION Arlington, Virginia MEMORANDUM AEA # 60 October 6, 1964 TO: Board of Directors FROM: Robert U. Bbgen, Exec. Secy. SUBJECT: Comprehensive Insurance and Bonding coverage for AEA Office AEA Insurance and bonding coverage in the past has been limited to a blanket fidelity bond. After consultation with insurance and bond advisors, the following coverages were recommended for AEA as giving the association proper protection from various liabilities encountered in the running-of a business office of our type and size: Type 3 year Premiums Savinqs 1 yr. 3 yr. Office liability Policy 325/50,000, Bodily injury *5,000 Property Damage 316.00 #48.00 Fire insurance on contents of office 310,0D0 (80% coverage) 17.00 45.00 * 6*00 Workmen's Compensation insurance on all employees 22.00 50.00 16.00 Office Theft insurance to cover contents of office *2,000. 20.50 55.DO 6.50 3. Employees Non-Ownership Liability Insur­ ance *25/50,000. Bodily Injury and *5,000. Property Damage (This coverage will protect the employer for any liability imposed upon him by one of his employees using their car while an business for him.) 19.00 6. Commercial Blanket Bond (FidelityO cover­ ing Directors and Office Staff .15,000. (Last year the premium was :,.110.16. The increase is because of the inclusion of all Building Directors who handled dues collect­ ion this year, thereby giving AEA complete coverage.) *149.85 405.00 3244.35 *603.00 a/ a/ The total premiums paid in July amounted to *622. the &19 for the one year premium noted in item 5. #44.55 -1 #73.05 This included (over) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 09, Records of the Citizen's Committee for School Improvement Description An account of the resource Record Group 9 houses the scattered records of the Citizen's Committee for School Improvement for the period from 1946-1954 and 1956-1969. The Committee, a nonpartisan association, was formed in Arlington, Virginia in 1946, with the immediate purpose of influencing the selection of Arlington School Board candidates. The Constitution of the committee adopted in 1947 states that the organization's goals "are to advance the nature of the population, the needs of the time, and the resources of the community." Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bonding and Insurance Needs Description An account of the resource Explanation of bonding and insurance needed for the business office including costs and coverage. 2 pages. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 9 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Arlington Education Association Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1960s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 9_0_18_1_21 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/708161ff9baf01fbf6b3a62d85e56cc8.pdf ef88cdd03e3cb0956f55965009922060 PDF Text Text 1 6 4 V O T f i ] JlffiJ * O jM , ', '*' ' ' , ***** ******* ******* ***** P R A C T I C A B L E A P P L I C A T I O N S O F _ N A A C P _ VC T E R R E G I S T R A TIC N T E C H N I Q U E S �V O T E R R E G I S T R A T I O N W O R K S H O P The Voter Registration Workshop was held Saturday, October 14, 1961, 2:00 P. M . , at Convention Headquarters, Court Street Baptist Church, with Mr. Edward L. Slade, Richmond, Presiding. In his introduction, Mr. Slade commented on our National Convention held in Phila delphia in July of this year At this time, a delegation of sixty persons called on President John F. Kennedy at the White House and came away with one main objective: the elimination of racial inequalities in our city, state, and country. Most of these in equalities will be eliminated when, through our ballot, we elect representatives who will be favorable to our objectives. We must evaluate our political action program in order to triple the amount of qualified voters by the year 1963, the centennial of the Emanci pation Proclamation. we must stick with the NAACP Voter Registration Program. It is the heartof your political action program. It will increase the membership of your branch and raise the necessary freedom funds so essential to carry out our objectives. When the NAACP branches promote a lively voter registration program, contacts are made with large segments of people and good will is spread, throughout the branch community. Mr. Slade introduced as moderator Dr. Tinsley L. Spraggins, Research Director for the Crusade for Voters of Richmond, Virginia, an organization dedicated and active in promoting increased voter registrations in the city of Richmond. Dr. Spraggins was born near Lynchburg, Virginia where he completed his elementary and high school education. He is a graduate of West Virginia State College, Howard and American Universities, and is head of the Social Science Department at Virginia Union University. Dr. Spraggins is also an outstanding leader in the cultural, religious, social and political life of Richmond. Dr. Spraggins expressed his joy in participating in the workshop, and began with this statement: ”In speaking of Voter Registration in Virginia, I would like to say to you, do not lose your ancient heritage in voting and registering in the state.” Now I say that because of this: If you would look at the records of our ancient fathers, their fathers, our grandfathers, who were freed immediately following the Civil War; they really did register and vote following the Civil War. As a matter of fact, they did better than we are doing today with all of our education and all of our degrees. In eighteen and sixtyseven the Negroes were free to vote in Virginia for the first time in the history of Virginia, and in eighteen and sixty-eight they were asked to vote on two things: first, whether Virginia should hold a Constitutional Convention in order that the state might come back into the Union; and secondly, if they agreed to the first, they were to elect delegates to go to that Constitutional Convention to rewrite the Constitution of Virginia. Before voting, though, they had to register. "Now here’s the story:” said Dr. Spraggins, ”In 1868, they registered 105,000 Negro men and Negro women in the state of Virginia. Today, if you registered all the Negro men and women in the state, you can’t get but a hundred thousand Negroes to register in the state of Virginia. You see, we are about to lose our ancient heritage in registration because we have not touched my ancient fathers, or my grandfathers— we have not touched them. Now secondly, when they went to the polls to vote, of that 105,000 who registered in 1868, 96,000 voted. Today, of the 100,000 Negro men and women who have registered, you just can get 50,000 to the polls, and we work night and day. So we are about to lose our ancient heritage as to voting. I ’m asking you, please do not remove those ancient landmarks in registering and voting. This panel today I hope will give you some inspira tion to go back into your communities and do a job which is better than we are doing today so that you can look back and my grandfathers can look down on us and say that we are not losing our ancient heritage.” �Voter Registration Workshop Dr. Spraggins introduced the panel leaders from the rural section and from the urban section. Mr. T. 0. Thweatt, who is also chairman of Voter Registration for the Virginia Conference of NAACP, introduced the section coming from the rural area. Mrs. Anne Wesley spoke for those coming from the urban section. "Both groups", said Dr. Spraggins, "are doing a very good job. I have worked with Mr. Thweatt, and I have worked with Mrs. Wesley here in Lynchburg, in regard to voter registration, and they have something to tell you about how you can do as well as my great-grandfathers in Voter Registration." Mr. Thweatt said that if he was going to make a speech in reference to voter regis tration and how to get people to vote, speaking from Prince George County, he could say in one word what it takes to do it, and that word is w-o-r-k, work nothing but hard work. Mr. Thweatt introduced the persons from Prince George County who presented the rural pro gram of how to get our people to actually become qualified voters. The speakers were: Mr. Junius Webster Bland, a deacon of one of the leading churches in the countyj Mr. Hines, chairman of one of the Prince George County districts; Mrs. Sadie Bland who is very active in many county functions; and Mr. Walter Washington, Secretary of the voter registration program there. Mr. Walter Washington began by stating the problems in getting Negroes to become qualified voters in Prince George County. One problem in particular is taxes. We all pay taxes in the state of Virginia— personal property taxes, real estate taxes and capi tation tax. There are people who do not understand the word "capitation". They call it poll taxes, capitation taxes, and head tax. The word capitation is used on the form. Many people pay these taxes and fail to realize it because they pay it all along with the other taxes. So this in one problem— and a big problem. Another problem is that of embarrassment. This is caused because there are people on .two levels, that are embarrassed. Some of our people can't read or write very well, but when you get down and explain to them that it is not too hard to register, they will be able to vote. They won't tell you until you get next to them that they cannot read nor write. Also, there are those from the higher levels that do not know how to vote. They fail to know how, and they will not tell you this. In other words, they just don't want you to know that they don't know; some of these are our high college level people. We have to get very close and approach them in a way they'll understand and will not be embarrassed. Next, and last, is the problem of finance. Different ways for financing taxes were worked out. In some cases, we had tofinance taxes ourselves until these perons got the money, but some still say thatthey don't have the dollar and fifty cents to pay their taxes, and yet they can buy new automobiles. Mrs. Sadie Bland presented some pertinent facts in voter registration. Poll taxes should be paid by the fifth of December. After that, there is a penalty, but you may register until May 1. Registration should be made thirty days prior to general election, or any election if we intend to vote. Go to the county clerk and get a list of all per sons that have paid their poll taxes. Go to the registrar and get all Negro persons names that have registered and see that they vote. See that they have no excuse in telling you why they don't vote. Just don't accept it, as each vote counts. Mrs. Bland noted in Alexandria, Virginia an instance where eleven votes made the difference in winning. Last, but not least, voting is not enough, but knowing the history of persons involved, and marking your ballot correctly also are important. Mr. Bland cited a few techniques Prince George County.used in getting voters in the county. "I agree with our Chairman that it takes much hard work", he said. First, Prince George candidates set up a Voters League. This league meets once each month and a tax list and a register's list are used. �Voter Registration Workshop -3- Many persons say yes they do vote, but sometimes you look on the taxpayer^ list and registers list to find that some of these persons are not qualified to vote. Ministers in the county churches ard very helpful. On some Sundays they ask to see the hands of all qualified voters. Somd people show their hands to avoid embarrassment, even though they’re not qualified voters. "A man told me one day that his minister asked all qualified voters to hold up their hdnds one Sunday and the man held his hand up, but said later that he was not a qualified voter, but that he was going down that day to become qualified, as he had told a story in church and it was on his conscience." Door to door campaigns are used. In this way, we know just how many are voting, who is qualified and who is not qualified. We contacted those ineligible people and got most of them to vote, but there is still much work to be done. Mr. Hines gave a few points of evaluation of the work in Prince George County. He expressed thanks in attending the workshop and for having the opportunity to emphasize the importance of paying poll taxes, registering, and becoming qualified voters— first-class citizens. Mr. Hines, first of all, stated what had happened in the locality in which he lives, the Bland district. When he started out, there were only three qualified registered voters in that Dis trict. The facilities around were poor: no road to get to and from homes, and no lights. Mr. Bland went to the people of the community and discussed this problem with them and told them that if they wanted a road it was up to them to get it. You must pay your poll taxes, register, and become qualified voters. They asked him to go down in the meeting and see the Board of Supervisors. He went town to the Courthouse and obtained a list of qualified voters. However, the Board pays little attention as the complainants were not qualified voters,with only three voters. So Mr. Bland worked with this community and finally got eighteen voters qualified. Then a petition was drawn requesting a road. The Board then took action. They got a road, and they got light. Mr. Bland further stated: "I am happy to say to you today the job that lies ahead for us is more work in the future than it has been in the past. We must all put our shoulders to the wheel and work because this thing is not going to be done overnight. It is going to be done after hard struggles of every effort that each individual can put himself to in order to make another individual ’see the light*. It is now the time to get out and work and get more qualified voters. I am happy to say that I hold in my hand this list of 47 registered qualified voters, when we started out with 3 and only had a total of 143 in PrinceGeorge County. We now have a total of 500, and we are going to continue to put forth greater efforts in the future". Dr. Spraggins, at this point, thanked the rural group for their discussion and mentioned that the rural areas are closer to our great-grandfathers than any other area in the state of Virginia. The rural areas are the only ones in the state who have really elected Negroes to office— public office. This has happened in Nansemond County, New Kent County, and also Charles City County. These three counties have really elected Negroes to public office. In the cities we haven’t done quite as well, but Mrs. Anne Wesley, of Lynchburg, is here to bring us the registration program in the urban area. Mrs. Wesley said that "it is a privilege to present some aspects of the voter registration campaign in Lynchburg, Virginia and Mr. T. D. Thornhill, the President of the Voter’s League gave his version of the problem that was faced when the campaign started^’ Mr. Thornhill expressed his comments on the organization and work of the Voter’s League. The qualification for membership of our organization is to simply be a qualified voter. We meet once a month, every fourth Tuesday, and we urge all qualified voters in Lynchburg to meet with us. W e ’ve been fighting for years trying to increase our number of qualified voters. Until recently w e ’ve been slowly moving along. Within the last four years, we were able to play a deciding part in the election of one member to City Council as a write-in candidate. �Voter Registration Workshop -4- We urged this gentleman keep it quiet that we were supporting him because we knew that it would be political suicide for his white friends to know that we were supporting him. As a result, we were the deciding factor in his being elected. Since that time, for our last councilmanic election, we had three vacancies. We endorsed three candidates, all three candidates that we endorsed were elected. Our local paper emphasized that we played a great part in the election of first place for one of the persons we endorsed. One other person was also elected and took third place, and our local paper stated that we played the deciding factor; we were solely responsible for his being elected to City Council. At the time of our last primary election, we were debating on who to vote for. We had the City Sergeant coming up for electiqn. So I went to him on behalf of the Lynchburg Voter’s League, and stated that we were aware that there were eight deputies that he would have the opportunity to appoint, and we fegl that we should have some of the deputies as Negroes. And he said "flatly" that he wouJ.d not be in accord with it. So when we met, we said "flatly" that we would not endorse him and the results were that we "flatly" defeated him. Over a period of years, we have worked hard trying to get persons to be active in our organization and to increase our number of qualified voters. We contacted religious, social, and fraternal organizations. It is unfortunate that we were unable to get many persons to come out and work with us. One group invited us to come to them, and I was asked to represent the Lynchburg Voter’s League and go and see these ladies and talk with them. They asked what could they do to help increase the number of voters in the city of Lynchburg, and I said flatly to them, if you will take charge of this voter registration program, we will be happy. These ladies did just that. And from this point Mrs. Wesley and Mrs. Ferguson will tell you just what they did. I am proud of these two ladies and all of the other persons who worked diligently with us. Mrs. Wesley mentioned that her sorority was approached in the fall of 1959 with the request to spearhead the project to secure voters, and recognizing the importance of this work, they gladly undertook to organize a campaign. Perhaps they would not have been so swift to accept had they known then the many hours of work and planning which would be involved. However, our endeavors have been more than compensated by a degree of success, by the closer association, and by the fun in general w e ’ve had at our meetings. Believe me, there is nothing that will bring people together more solidly than a project or cause in which they believe and for which they are willing to expend their time, talent, and energy. Ours has been just such a project, and at the same time, we succeeded in getting the entire town involved, early realizing that the job was too big for any one group. From the very beginning, when we went about setting up the files of registered voters, and a file of persons who had registered but become delinquent in one to two years in taxes, we had the assistance of students from the Virginia Seminary and from Dunbar High School, and many other individuals. Let me describe for you how the files were set up. A few volunteer ladies went to the registrar’s office and spent several days copying the complete list of those who were registered. Then groups of us met on several occasions comparing these names with the list of eligible voters, writing cards and indicating thereon the year’s taxes owed. Students at Dunbar typed duplicate cards for the file box for each poll, by ward and by precinct. With the election coming in 1960, and knowing we’d not have enough time to organize an effective doorknock for that year, we decided to concentrate on contacting persons who were registered but not qualified to vote due to delinquent taxes, urging them to become eligible to vote in the presidential election. Thus we used the organiza tion we had planned for the doorknock for this phase of the work. The letters we sent out to these people met with varied responses to say the least. Had we been easily discouraged, or timid, we might have quit then. However, some people just don’t know when to mind their own business, and so we kept plugging although this project met with only limited success. �Voter Registration Workshop The organization for the doorknock was set up as follows: first, a division of the city into 13 areas under competent chairmen who with our help recruited volunteer workers, and second prior to launching the doorknock, Mrs. Ferguson and/or I met with each area and assisted the chairmen in conducting a training session for workers, familiarizing them with materials and procedures. And at this point we have arranged a skit to show you just how a typical area meeting would take place. (Mrs. Fannie Jones will serve as Chair man, Mrs. Barksdale, Mrs. Freeman, and Mrs. McDaniel, workers.) S K I T CHAIRMAN: (Mrs. Jones) I am glad to see so many volunteer workers at the meeting. Your presence indicates your interest and your desire for the cause of persuading our Negro citizens to become qualified voters. The purpose of this meeting is to secure block chairmen for each block in our area FIRST WORKER: (Mrs. Barksdale) Mrs. Jones, I want to say that many of us are not familiar with the blocks in our area. CHAIRMAN: This need not be a source of worry, for we have a map of the areas; so we think it will be a good idea for us to assign a person for the block on which she lives, or do you think we should use a different plan. FIRST WORKER: I think it would be a good idea to assign a person to the block on which she lives; as this person will have a better relationship with the people in her block, and would know the best means of approaching them. SECOND WORKER: (Mrs. Freeman) I disagree with that idea. I think that a person should be assigned to a block on which she does not live bacause this will give her a better opportunity to get acquainted with members of the community. CHAIRMAN: It is not our desire at this time to become better acquainted with our neighbors, it is our purpose to persuade people to become qualified voters, and the best way to do this is through working with people with whom you have a working relationship. Both of these items are well taken, but I think I am inclined to go along with Mrs. Barksdale's suggestion, because making the block assignment, I would like to distribute and explain some of the forms that we have prepared to help us to do a better job. The first and most important form is the instruction sheet for the block leader. First: Contact, (a) Visit each neighbor and introduce yourself, (b) tell them about the neighborhood organization and its purpose, (c) be sure to explain the importance of every adult in the community becoming a qualified voter. Second! Ask them to help the organization's programming by (a) coming to and taking part at each regular meeting, (b) helping whenever and wherever possible, (c) making a survey of every person in the house twenty years of age and over. Third: Leave with a friendly expression and again remind your host (a) you are the block representative for the organization, (b) to call you concerning any of these community problems, (c) that you will keep constant contact with them about the community organization. �6 Voter Registration Workshop Remember these do's and don'ts — DO: Do Do Do Do Do Do be friendly explain the how and why of the organization's program let the host talk begin your survey today keep in constant touch with your neighbors get them to become qualified voters DON'T: Don't Don't Don't Don't Don't Don't (and please don't) get angry ask to make a voting survey standing at the door do all the talking put off until next week just visit when you want a favor, stop by and get their ideas sometime forget to follow up visits when they make a promise Now this is your survey, please keep this at all times where you can get your hands on it. Be sure to get the name, address, and telephone number. Be sure to ask them if they have paid their poll taxes for the last three years. Find out if they have paid the poll taxes and if they have registered, and if they have not, be sure to follow this up. Go by your survey sheet at all times. Fourth: The easy-to-vote in Lynchburg. We want to familiarize the people with the particular easy-to-vote sheet because these are the questions that will be asked them. Ask all of your people in your block about reading the oath, find out for sure if they can read. If they cannot read, you read for them until they learn it. Just make sure they know it when they go to register. Fifth: Block party. This is a very good way to become acquainted with your people in your block because if all of you are like I am, you are running all the time, and you don't get too much chance to see your neighbors. We want to become better acquainted with the peopld in our block. Now to have a block party, go by and stick this (invita tion) under the neighbors' doors, tell them to be at your house.,and at what time, and just have a real good time, but be sure to give them something to eat, because they like that. (Serve coffee, or cookies, or something of that sort.) Now, if you get to their house, and they aren't at home, you use this doorknock, you put this on the door, "Sbrry that you are not home, but I will be back", (leave your name and when you will be back), "hoping to see you then". (Be sure to get back.) Now that we have the foundation for our building, let us build a skycraper of 3,OCX) qualified voters by December 5, 1961. (Thank you.) * * * * # •it###*# (End of Skit) �Voter Registration Workshop -7- To continue3 stated Mrs. Wesley, paid clerical assistance became necessary as more and more materials were needed, files needed revising, and communications to chairmen, workers, and organizations were sent. We realized no effective campaign could be carried on without finance and we approached Mrs, Weeden with our need. And so she turned her energy and know-how to getting the money to finance the 1960-61 campaign to handle the receipting and disbursements cf these funds. Mrs. Hortense Braswell also was selected to work with Mrs. Weeden. Together these ladies have accounted for every cent and sent a financial report to all organizations and individual contributors. This, as well as the results we've had in the voter campaign, we hope, will encourage organizations and individuals to contribute to the Voter's League again this year. The finance chairmen for 1961-62 are Mrs. Susan F. Davis and Miss Edna Holmes. Other techniques used to increase the number of qualified voters were: work with 21 year olds, under Mrs. Bernice Hillj occupational groups under Mr. William Gordon! Honor Roll for Clubs and Organizations, M r „ Wayland Mitchell; Loan System, Mr. Edward Spencer. Time will not permit my describing in detail how these techniques were organized. How ever, there may be questions concerning their functions during the question and answer period. We still have a huge task before us, and no idea of quitting now. This work is only begun. We feel that our goal of 3,000 registered voters can be realized by 19 and 62, and that 5,000 is not too many to anticipate and to work for for the next presidential elect ion of 19 and 61+ if we continue to get the enthusiastic support— active, financial, and moral— of the citizens of Lynchburg, Virginia. (Thank you.) The next phase of our work is concerned with getting the polls organized: and my co-chairman without whom I could not move has consented to take aver this phase of the presentation — Mrs. Xvonne Ferguson. Before we talk about organization of the polls, we have planned a skit to show you the typical poll in Lynchburg. (Mrs. Nannie Winston and Mrs. Edith Stephro will be the poll workers. Mrs. Susan Paine Davis and Mrs. Roberta Coles will be the voters.) S FIRST POLL WORKER: FIRST VOTER: my name. K (Mrs. Winston) (Mrs. Coles) I T May I have your name please? What do you want my name for? I don't see why you viant FIRST POLL WORKER: Well, we are working for the Voter's League. Here we have a record of all eligible voters in the precinct. We want to check our files to be certain that our information is correct, such as the correct name, address, and telephone number. Another thing, you see, is that as our citizens vote, we check them here as having voted and towards the end of the day, we have our telephone secretary to call all the people who have not voted to ask them to please come to the polls and vote. FIRST VOTER: Hum, Some of them who come don't know who to vote for. don't even know how to mark a ballot. And some FIRST POLL WORKER: I'm so glad you mentioned that. Another worker is ever there to do just that. After I get this information from you, she will explain who we are voting for, �8 Voter Registration Workshop FIRST POLL WORKER: (CONTINUED) how to mark a ballot and will give any information needed. Now may I cheek our files with you? FIRST VOTER? I guess so. FIRST POLL WORKERS FIRST VOTER; Your name. Mrs. Roberta Coles. I FIRST POLL WORKERS FIRST VOTER; Yes it is. FIRST POLL WORKER; FIRST VOTER: Is your address still 1819 America Avenue? Is your telephone number VI 7-7781? No. VI 7-1:863. FIRST POLL WORKER; Thank you. That's why we like to check so that our information loll be correct. Thank you so very much Mrs. Coles. FIRST VOTER: Good morning. SECOND POLL WORKER: FIRST VOTER: Good morning Mrs. Coles, how are you today? Fine. SECOND POLL WORKER; FIRST VOTERS (Mrs. Stephro) I'd like to tell you who the Voter's League recommends. I know who to vote for. SECOND POIL WORKER: Well that's fine. But we had a meeting the other night, and of course at this meeting we had read the platforms of several of the candidates. And we had decided that these who they are recommending are opposite the Byrd Machine, and so we are asking you to vote for Stephens, Booth, and Boyd. FIRST VOTER: I know who to vote for, I just want to hear what you're telling people. FIRST POLL WORKER: before you go in? SECOND VOTER: (Mrs. Davis) FIRST POLL WORKER: SECOND VOTER: Good morning Mrs. Davis. How are you? Could I check our files Yes, of course. Your name, address, and telephone number. Mrs. Susan Faine Davis, 513 Court Street, VI $-8832. FIRST POLL WORKER: Thank you. SECOND VOTER; I certainly must tell you how much help that letter that you mailed me yesterday meant. I appreciated everything you sent. And don't you know just before I got ready to leave home someone called and asked me if I had planned to vote today? Of course I had. �Voter Registration Workshop -9- FIRST POII, WORKER: Thank you Mrs. Davis. It certainly takes many people to do this job. And you can help so much simply by talking to your friends, getting them interested and eligible to vote. SECOND VOTERS Well, I certainly plan to talk to them more than I've been talking. Everybody knows what you've been doing, even the local newspaper knows that. Ohe local editors said that the Negro vote is solely responsible for having elected city Council man Collins, and we certainly -want you to know hovsery much we appreciate it. FIRST FOIL WORKER? SECOND VOTER? You're welcome. You certainly have the idea Mrs. Davis. Thank you. * * * * * * * * * * * * (End of Skit) Mrs. Ferguson made a few general observations about the total organization or the execution of voter registration work. This is a very vital part of the real "meat" of any campaign or effort for voters. This is your evaluation. Regardless of how marry people we are successful in getting to become eligible, if we don't go to the polls and vote, all the work to|pt them eligible is absolutely fruitless and worthless. Now exactly what does this mean? First, we must give publicity to all elections. Use handbills, use letters, use notices to churches, use ideas of all kinds. Second, we must plan and sponsor meetings to inform people about the candidates and issues. Have speakers, invite the candidates in, let them talk about their platforms and how they feel about certain issues. Encourage citizens to read the papers, and to become informed about these things. Third. Sponsor workshops for newly registered voters! people who have never been to a poll before. At the workshop, explain and demonstrate What a pre cinct poll looks like, who the officials working are, and what their jobs involve. Explain to them about your Voter's League work on the polls, why they are there, and Why they're asking information as they do. To show you how naive some of the newly registered voters are, one man came to vote early, at the poll where I was working. We explained to him, we thouffjit, how to mark his ballot. He went in and voted. However, later that afternoon, he came back saying! "I came to vote for my other two, I didn't finish this morning". When we were leaving the polls after the closing hour, a man passing in his car, observing that voting was finished, slowed up and yelled? "Hey lady, who won?" Now these are indeed cunning incidents. But certainly they point up the fact that there is much education and gui dance needed. So we should do as much educating as possible before election day. Teach such things as how to mark the ballot, that it is the teller's legal job to place the ballot in the box. Sometimes we feel that we want to place our ballot in the box, but it is legally the hired officials job. We can stand there and watch it through. So we have to tell the citizens that haven't voted before. Sometimes it is good to tell them that the sample ballot is simply to show them and illustrate to them, and it is not to be put in the ballot box, and tell them any information you think would be pertinent at that time. �Voter Begistration Workshop 10 Another strategy that is worth every bit of energy put into it, is that of getting the polls worked the day of election. And that is the skit we just showed you. Here in Lynchburg, and this is true in most places I am sure, we stock every poll with our workers. We have at least two workers on each poll. One checks our files, we have a file box, with cards for every eligible voter in each precinct. On the card is the per son's name, telephone number, and address. We check the card when the person comes to vote for many reasons: we want to know if the information on the card is correct for our mailing list. Checking our file of voters also allows us to know how marry of the people voted in each precinct. This again lets us know the people who are not using -their pri vilege to vote. Another, and the most important reason for having this complete file, is to make it possible for us to get more people to the polls. About 3'00 or 3 s30 on elect ion day, we go to each poll and get the list of eligible voters who have not been to the polls and give the list to our telephone secretaries. Different situations call for different types of education. Suppose your group in your city decided to support a write-in candidate. This would requiresome pre-election day preparation and training. Tou would have to inform the people that there would be a space on the ballot to write in the name of this candidate, and a box beside that space where you would check as having voted for this candidate. But since we don't have a write-in candidate every election, it is necessary to explain how this is done. Because if a ballot is not marked properly, it will be voided. So this is another type of pre election training. In Iynchburg, poll taxes are due, and all over Virginia, December 5. That dead line is very important, because if our taxes are not paid by that date, we will not be eligible to vote in the councilmanic election in June, six months hence, when we elect four city councilman. So this calls for a different type of emphasis in our campaign this year. Right now our work must be concentrated on the December 5 deadline along with the November 7 date for the General Election. In summary this is what we are saying about the execution cf Voter Registration work. First, promote a vigorous program of education and guidance. Inform your citi zens before election day. Second, sponsor workshops to acquaint people with your organi zation's efforts and your organization of the polls, with special emphasis on the newly registered voters. Third, mail pertinent information to your complete mailing list of voters. Fourth, have well trained, well informed, and well groomed workers on your polls. And last may I say that neither phase of voter registration work stops after achieving one successful year. This is a job that has to be done annually; year after year. There is no end. (Thank you.) Dr. Spraggins commended the Iynchburg presentation. I can assure you, he said, that With a program like that you are guaranteed to get about 80$ of your voters out. I've seen it in operation here inLynchburg as well as some other cities. That plan works. It would do well if you could get that bit of information into everybody's hands. I hope that the chairman of the voter registration can send that program to every branch in the state and ask them to execute it. That plan was good and well organized and it shows you what one little organization can do in the community. The discussion was very pleasing as X have just been on a seven week campaign of registration in the state of New Jersey. I told them up there in New Jersey, you can ride the buses if you want to, you can eat if you want to, but you can't beat my people down in Virginia getting folks registered. These people did it. �Voter Registration Workshop - 11- The next part of this program comes from Attorney S. W. Tucker who will give a summary. The discussion was summarized by Attorney Tucker as follows: This morning I had a few words in the other workshop and I think that what I say here is just about an echo of what was said earlier. All this boils down to is what we are trying to learn and believe in order to get the courage and determination to get voters out. Now when I was quite a little boy, I heard that old song about three ways to get the message over— telephone, telegraph, tell-a-woman. I've learned something here today. We have been trying to conduct these workshops, trying to work on the suffrage pro gram. We heard several techniques over and over again, but something has happened here in Lynchburg. In other words a group of women have taken over and are determined to get the message across. This kind of program that we had outlined today is the kind of pro gram that ought to be all over Virginia. It is not a haphazard type of thing. We've had a discussion here from the rural areaj the Southside area, which is very close to me, and I know about them better than I know about this urban area. There's ho real difference. I believe that one of the essential differences between the two demon strations is the group of determined women who decided to take the matter into their hands, and get the job done. And once the ladies decide they want to get the message over, it gets over. And those same problems we have in the rural areas, and we've got to try again. We've got to get a group of women, it may be a sewing circle, to get this determination, who realize that we've got to work with people and that eveiy person can help. At this point, I just want to cite something I was reading in Harry Golden's paper. The North Carolina Israelite. One veiy amazing thing the editor pointed out was how powerful this thing of polities is, and how disturbed are the political leaders in all these southern towns. They were having a banquet at a big hotel and there were a few colored men who controlled a whole lot of votes. Now the biggest politician in town practically got down on his knees to ask the hotel manager to serve these colored people at this dinner, although the hotel had a segregation policy. These votes counted. As was said this morning, the important thing is force of number— in school dese gregation, in job opportunities, ih voting, etc. One other thing I'd like to say that might explode— this is in reference to the persons who participated on the rural discussion, my friends from Prince George County. It was mentioned that it is essential to run a candidate to get people out to vote. From Suffolk-Nansemond County, Surry County on up the James River almost all the way to Lynch burg and on down to Lunenburg and Meckleriberg County is the largest Congressional Dis trict in the State of Virginia. Bub I'd like to say, particularly to Southside, Virginia that right now we have the very first eontendent to run for Congressman from the fourth district. My name will appear on the ballot as a candidate. So vie do have a eontendent and it is a showing that will be made and must be made right now. Remember poll taxes must be paid. From the demonstration here by the Lynchburg group, we can get the wards organized and the message over, and elect a Congressman from the Fourth District. A n informative question-and-answer period followed with discussions from the audience. E N D - � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 18: Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Booklet "26th Annual Convention: Voter Registration Workshop," 1961 Description An account of the resource Booklet describing the Voter Registration Workshop at the 26th Annual Convention, Virginia NAACP, October 14, 1961. Subtitle is "Practicable Applications of NAACP Voter Registration Techniques." Text describes the workshop, providing excerpts and recaps of speeches and presentations by all speakers. Also includes texts of several skits that act out issues and problems with voter registration drives. Instructs volunteers and NAACP members on how to create and run a voter registration drive focused on the African American community in Virginia, using several real case studies from different parts of the state. Twelve pages. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 18, Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Virginia NAACP Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1961-10-14 Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1960s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 18_1_8_1_12 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/b4cdc9bb3bc5478a794e64a5c142e11c.jpg a1e9c87978e9ea5883efa6214e484be2 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/41761789e6418c3b863e1dbd985851d1.pdf 111c7759268341c85e85b8ec99d1d638 PDF Text Text ^ ' 5 •^Y vn > NOVEMBER, 1954 THE RACE INTEGRATION CASES By CHARLES WALLACE COLLINS Author: The Fourteenth Amendment and the States (pp. 220) Whither Solid South? (pp. 334) ( C OPYRIGHT 1954 CH A RLES W ALLACE COLLINS ) Published by American States Rights Assn., Inc. 2112 First Ave., N., Birmingham, Ala. ��FOREWORD On February 1, 1954, in anticipation of an adverse ruling by the Su­ preme Court of the United States against the South in the Race Inte­ gration Cases, I prepared a paper in the nature of a forecast in which I warned the Southern leaders to prepare for the worst. This paper was sent to States’ Rights leaders with whom I had worked in the campaign of 1948. The present paper is a revision of th at forecast and is an adaptation to the opinion of the Court as handed down on May 17, 1954. This decision did not come as a surprise to me. To close observers here on the ground there were straws in the wind that he who runs might read. As a member of the Bar of the Court for forty years and the Court’s Librarian for a term of years, and as a constitutional lawyer, I cannot concede the constitutionality of the opinion. I think the Court exceeded its powers and invaded the province of the State legislatures and Constitutions. The Court has attempted to exercise the legislative and administrative powers of the Federal Government in a field in which Congress itself has no jurisdiction, namely, the control of the social behavior of individual persons—a m atter solely within the jurisdiction of the States. We States’ Righters hold that we still live under the Constitutional Republic of the United States of America. The basic principle of that Republic is local self-government founded upon the State as the unit of power. The Federal Government, no m atter how far the Federal machine may have roamed out of bounds, is now and has always been a government of limited, enumerated and delegated powers, identified and documented in a formal written instrument of organic law—the Constitution of the United States. The following paper is a preliminary dissertation on these principles as they apply to the Race Integration Cases. The final appraisal must await the decree and orders of the Court which may not come before the middle of 1955. At that time the battle lines can be intelligently drawn. It may be appropriate then to issue a new revision of this paper to bring the decree in line with the previous discussion. A political and sociological Court, in the name of the Federal Gov­ ernment, has challenged the way of life of the Southern States. It is a Federal challenge and is therefore from the outside. In the history of the civilizations which have appeared on the face of the earth there have always been conflicts and aggressions. Many of these failed to �rise to meet the challenge when attacked and went down to obscurity and oblivion. Others—fewer in number—rose to strike a harder blow and survived. The history of the South shows where she will stand. The South faces a long drawn out cold war with many a battle front along the racial integration line. It will not be limited to the question of the school children. Groundwork for an even more dangerous infil­ tration has already been laid by the Federal Government. Eisenhower recently issued an Executive Order which put the oldTloosevelt-Truman FEPC into all Government contracts and subcontracts. It is based upon racial integration at all levels in industry under the coercive power of the Federal Government. This is to be done in connection with the expenditure of billions of dollars of the taxpayers’ money appro­ priated for national defense. This action by the President is also un­ constitutional. He has no power as Chief Executive to employ these funds directly or indirectly to control the social behavior of persons— black or white. Here again is an attempt to override the jurisdiction of the States over the private rights of their citizens. After the foregoing developments have come more clearly to public view and after the South has made progress in the establishment of its own defences, it may be appropriate to issue a States’ Rights Manual for publicity and general information. C harles W allace C o l l in s �THE RACE INTEGRATION CASES By Charles Wallace Collins* 1. Background The remote historical background of these cases, as of every otherquestion which involves the Negro race, goes back to the work of the New England slave traders who brought the Negroes to America; their sale as slaves to the tobacco, rice and cotton planters of the South; the Civil War and Reconstruction; and the adjustment arrived at in the administration of President Hayes. The immediate background of these cases goes back to the year 1936, when the Negro vote, tradition­ ally Republican, went over to the Democratic Party and joined hands with the newly organized CIO and other minority groups which sought left wing legislation from the New Deal. The Negroes, supported by these groups began to organize to restore the old civil rights legislaenacted by Congress during Reconstruction but which, in a series of leading cases, had been declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. After Roosevelt’s death strong pressure was brought to bear upon Truman, who, notwithstanding the long line of precedents that the Federal Government was without power in this field, appointed a Presidential Committee on Civil Rights. This committee made a report and a number of recommendations from which several bills were drafted—including the notorious FEPC. These proposed measures were known as the Truman Civil Rights Program, but it was in fact the program of the Negro leaders in the North. The main emphasis was upon the abolition of segregation of the races. The committee even held that Congress could proceed under the authority of the United Nations Charter! Congress did not enact any of these bills during the Truman Administration. 2. The Question These cases were twice argued before the Court but the real issue was not discussd by the lawyers on either side nor by the Court during M r. Collins is a native of Alabama. H e received his education at A uburn, the U niversity of Chicago and H arvard. H e now resides in M aryland, having retired from the active practice o f law . I n his career as a constitutional law yer M r. Collins was a member o f the Alabama Bar, the Federal Bar of the D istrict of Columbia, th e Association of the Bar of the C ity o f N ew York and for forty years a member of the Bar of the Suprem e Court of th e U nited States. As a public servant he has held the offices of D irector of the Federal Legislative Reference Service, Law Librarian of Congress, L ibrarian of the Suprem e Court of the U nited States, G eneral Counsel of th e Federal Bureau of the Budget and G en­ eral Counsel fo r the C om ptroller of the C urrency. Mr. Collins is the author of th e authoritative work— T h e Fourteenth A m en d m en t and the States— the States’ Rights book, W h ith er Solid South? and other works on constitutional law, public finance, banking and politics. 1 �argument or in its opinion. All of the official talk was about segrega­ tion. But during the last few years the Negro leaders have set their sights much higher. Their aim is not integrated education of the races but racial integration as an end in itself. To integrate is to combine the parts into a whole. To integrate races of people is to produce one race where two or more previously existed. The American Negro is the most race conscious of any minority group in the country yet his leaders deny the existence of races of man and brand as “racism” or “racist” anyone who asserts the contrary. The question here involved is not concerned with educational policy or with educational practices in the public schools. These Negro leaders know that, under the present system in the South, a Negro, under the “separate but equal” rule, can obtain a satisfactory education. The question in these cases is how to employ the coercive power of the Federal Government to produce racial integration in the South. The public school system was seized upon as the one instrumentality under which the whole population from the age of six to twenty-two could be held in coercive physical contact from early childhood to maturity. This should be clearly understood by Southern leaders. They should concentrate not upon education in the public schools but upon racial integration. 3. The Method How do the Negroes propose to accomplish this integration? By means of these cases which were decided as one consolidated case on Monday, May 17, 1954. They turned to the Supreme Court where they finally found “the new climate of opinion” for which they had sought. They have laid their hands upon an asserted coercive power of the Federal Government. Here is the pattern. Beginning at the age of six, little white and Negro children, boys and girls, would be forced into continuous physical contact with each other in the public schools and public school activities. They would study together, recite to­ gether, sing together, play together, sit together, talk together, and dance together. They would eat lunch together from food provided by the Federal Government. In this manner they would go through the grade school, through high school, through college and through uni­ versity. The social theory behind this procedure is that this close and intimate association during the entire formative period of their lives, would in itself produce integration, or, in other words, amalgamation of the races. Fantastic as it may appear the social aim is a Negroid South. 2 �One may search the records of the history of nations, peoples, gov­ ernments and minority populations and there will be found examples of genocide, extinctions, enslavements, torture and exile, but there will not be found one single instance where a government has forced one race against its will to be integrated with another. In these cases, here under discussion, we see the first employment of this procedure. It comes in the Twentieth Century in the Constitutional Republic of the United States of America. The South and the four border states of Kenucky, Maryland, Missouri and Oklahoma have a white population of about 37,000,000 and a Negro population of about 10,000,000. The blow has now fallen and the danger signals are plain enough to cause the South to proceed at once to organize. The United States are divided into several regions which have distinctive geographical and social characteristics, such as New England, the Mississippi Valley, the Northwest, the Mountain West, and the Pacific Coast and the South. It is the South which is more distinctively a Region than any of the others. She has a common white racial stock, predominantly Anglo-Saxon; a common language; a common geographical position; and a common history with its poignant story of tragedy and triumph. Pubilc opinion in the South is made and controlled by the white peo­ ple. While each State in the South is responsible for its own legislative enactments, in the present crisis, she should act within the orbit of a policy formulated by organized Regional opinion. Unity of action and unity of purpose are essential in this case. This is mortal combat. The South must speak with one voice. The universal principle of political right in this controversy is powerful enough to form a bond of lasting concord to this end. It has been said th at patriotism has always proved the best cordial of humanity and that all the sterner and more robust virtues are developed to the highest degree by its powers. The Southern Region should provide a central organization as head­ quarters for the consideration of policy and dissemination of informa­ tion. This body should be manned by strong men who are astute, that is to say, who are self-reliant, who know what the South wants, what can be done to gain it, and what will be done under a given set of cir­ cumstances. They will be removed from languor and timidity on one hand and from feverish and morbid excitement on the other. The South is faced by a highly organized enemy which acts with a single­ ness of purpose. 3 �4. Limitation on the Powers of Congress Immediately after the Civil War, Amendments 13, and 15, which pro­ hibited slavery and provided that the power to vote should not be denied on account of race or color, were submitted to the States for ratification. They attracted little attention. But when the 14th Amend­ ment came along it was loaded with dynamite. The Radical Republi­ cans were in control of Congress and they intended to enact legisla­ tion under this amendment which would weaken the States and set up a strong central Government in Washington which would take over the jurisdiction of the civil rights of individuals and thereby dominate the South through carpet-bagger-Negro rule. On June 16, 1866, Con­ gress submitted the Fourteenth Amendment to the States for ratifi­ cation. This required the approval of three-fourths of the States. Each of the former Confederate States, except Tennessee (where public opinion was in fact against the amendment), voted to reject the amendment and ratification was thereby defeated. The amendment had been lawfully submitted and the rejection was lawful under the procedure provided by the Constitution. That should have been the end of the matter. But Congress became infuriated at the failure of the amendment to be ratified and from thenceforth adopted highhanded and extra-legal measures. It took over the Southern States by military occupation, disfranchised the white people and put the ballot into the hands of the Negro—coached by the carpet-baggers. In 1868 the Four­ teenth Amendment was resubmitted to the States for ratification and this time it was ratified almost unanimously by the Southern States. The United States Army attended to the details. This last ratification was unlawful and in violation of the Constitution. That is why—insofar as the Negro is concerned—the Fourteenth Amendment has never been of any moral force in the South. It was put into the Constitution at the point of a bayonet. Congress next proceeded to enact legislation to enforce the amend­ ment. There went to the statute books at this time the Enforcement Act of 1870, the Ku Klux Act of 1871 and the Civil Rights Act of 1875. The first case to reach the Supreme Court in a test of these acts was U. S. v. Cruikshank. This case arose in Louisiana. Cruikshank and a number of other white men broke up by violent means a Negro polit­ ical meeting. Cruikshank and other whites were arrested, tried in the Federal Court and convicted of the violation of the Enforcement Act of 1870. The case reached the Supreme Court of the United States in 1876 on appeal. The Court held that Congress of itself had no power, and 4 �derived no power from the Fourteenth Amendment, to legislate in re­ spect to the acts of individual persons; that the restrictions of the amendment ran only against action by the State. In this case the State of Louisiana had taken no action. The Court held that whatever crime which may have been committed could only be a violation of the law of the State in respect to which the State courts were open. The Court said: “The very highest duty of the States, when they entered into the Union under the Constitution, was to protect all persons with­ in their boundaries in the enjoyment of these unalienable rights.” The Cruikshank case saved the South and saved our Republican form of government. It was strongly and completely confirmed by the Su­ preme Court in 1883 in the Civil Rights Cases which held th at Con­ gress gained “no countenance of authority” from the Fourteenth Amendment to enact laws governing the civil rights of individuals. From the time of these decisions until 1936—a period of sixty years—there was peace in the South between the two races. However, during the latter part of this period, large numbers of Negroes moved North to such cities as Chicago, Detroit, Philadelphia and New York. Here they gradually developed political power under the simple quali­ fication of manhood suffrage. They developed local leadership. The Association for the Advancement of the Colored People was organized in New York. It became a nationwide organization with chapters all over the country, including the South. It entered politics. The Associa­ tion and all of its subsidiaries and affiliates went over to the Democratics Party in 1936, and there, with the support of Northern Demo­ crats, successfully—although indirectly—challenged the South. The Convention’s two-thirds rule was abolished, the South thereby losing its traditional veto over the nomination. The South was thereafter unable to make any show of strength to recover her former position. As a result of this development, the Negro leaders began to agitate for a reversal of the Supreme Court’s position on civil rights as em­ bodied in Cruikshank and the Civil Rights Cases. They planned to ask for new civil rights legislation by Congress with a view to having it con­ firmed by the Supreme Court. The core of this movement was the Tru­ man Civil Rights Program which has now been reintroduced in the 83rd Congress as a somewhat obverse side to the then pending segre­ gation cases. 5 �5. The Opinion of the Court The Court, by unanimous opinion, reversed Plessy v. Ferguson, the case which in 1896 held that segregation was not a violation of the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment if the facilities of­ fered were equal though separate. This doctrine of “separate but equal” had held sway for 58 years. It had been the basis of public school policy throughout the Southern Region. The Court did not make a constitu­ tional exposition of this radical change of its position. It relied upon social and psychological considerations. It found th at segregation had a tendency “to retard the educational and mental development of Negro children. Whatever may have been the extent of psychological knowledge at the time of Plessy v. Ferguson, this finding is amply sup­ ported by modern authority. Any language in Plessy v. Ferguson con­ trary to this finding is rejected.” (The language of Plessy v. Ferguson which the Court now rejects reads as follows: “Legislation is power­ less to eradicate racial instincts or to abolish distinctions based upon physical differences, and the attempt to do so can only result in accentuating the difficulties of the present situation. If one race be inferior to the other socially, the Constitution of the United States cannot put them upon the same plans.”) The “modern” authorities cited by the Court were not jurists or court decisions but seven psychologists and sociologists taking—God save the mark—Gunnar Mydral’s, An American Dilemma as the principal authority! (See No. 9 post.) 6. The Court Invaded the Province of Congress The legislative power of the Federal Government is vested by the Constitution exclusively in the Congress of the United States. If the Supreme Court hands down an opinion or issues a decree of general application to the whole United States, which has the effect of an Act of Congress, it thereby exceeds the powers conferred upon it by the Constitution and invades the powers of the Legislative Branch. In such a case the Court moves out into the field of national policy and politics. This it has now done in these integration cases. It has flagrantly attempted to pre-empt the whole field of policy and admin­ istration of the public school system of the States. The opinion is a political opinion and the decree, when it is drafted, will constitute, not a judicial act but an act of public administration beyond the lawful reach of the Supreme Court. That the Court intends, by its action in 6 �these cases, to create a new national policy in race relations and to pro-, vide for its administration, is clear from the language of the opinion. The Court said: “We hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly sit­ uated for whom the actions have been brought.” * * * and again: “Because these are class actions, because of the wide applicability of this decision, and because of the great variety of local conditions, the formulation of decrees in these cases presents problems of consider­ able complexity.” The Court then announced that it would restore the cases to the docket to hear argument upon the questions of the implemenation of the opinion. It has invited the Attorney General of the United States to participate (although the United States is not a party to the litigation) and the white Attorneys General of the Southern States—the latter in effect, to participate in the South’s own funeral. Oral argument is now set for December 6, 1954. The Federal Gov­ ernment has no jurisdiction over State educational policy or over the administration of the State public schools. Congress cannot enter this field. But here the Supreme Court itself at the head of the Judicial Branch of the Federal Government has rushed in where neither of the other two branches can go and is attempting to set up a new and un­ heard of national policy in this field which is designed to revolutionize and coerce the human behavior of about forty million white people and ten million Negroes with the dictum that Negroes and whites are not only equal but are racially identical. If the Supreme Court succeeds in this effort the Constitutional Republic is dead and the Constitution it­ self has become a tattered scrap of paper. The implications and poten­ tialities of this action by the Court staggers the imagination. If the Court can thus take possession of the lives of the people of the whole Southern Region and doom them to racial oblivion, there is no limit to which the Court can go in any direction. The second hearing before the Court was supposed to be based upon a series of formal questions propounded by the Court to counsel. They dealt principally with the history of the Fourteenth Amendment in re­ lation to the public schools. The briefs and arguments were limited to these questions. A prodigious amount of research was done on both sides in briefs running over 200 printed pages, yet the Court com­ pletely abandoned its questions and decided the cases on psychological grounds using Gunnar Myrdal as the principal authority. Myrdal’s theories were not involved in the questions propounded by the Court neither were they touched upon by counsel except in one instance. In Thurgood Marshall’s brief there appears this sentence: “Sensitive leaders soon found themselves confronted with what Gunnar Myrdal treated recently as An American Dilemma. (2 vols., 1944.)” 7 �7. The Sphere of State Power The unit of power in our Republic is the State. The States were in existence as sovereign political bodies prior to the formation of the Union. They met in Convention, adopted a written Constitution under which was set up a Federal Government of enumerated and delegated powers. The powers not granted to the Federal Government were re­ served to the States. The guiding principle was local self-government at the State and county level. The States never had any intention of losing control of the power to govern their own citizens and to provide for the protection of their fundamental rights. The State made provision for their education and for the method by which they would be taught. Nothing is more intimate to a State than her educational system. Any interference with it by the Federal Government would violate the most fundamental principle of our Constitutional Republic and plant the seeds for its destruction. These cases, here under discussion, strike at the heart of the States. The opinion lays the basis for a centralized Federal coercive power which would leave the States to exist in name only. No other single act of the Government in the history of our country has been fraught with greater danger to the existence of the Union. 8. Segregation Cannot Be Abolished Segregation is inherent to the fundamental mores of the South. John Temple Graves, a warm friend of the Negro, in 1942 warned the Negroes that there was no hope for them unless they were able to get along with the white men of the South. (Virginia Quarterly, Au­ tumn, 1942.) Mark Ethridge, the first chairman of the FEPC, and a white Deep South friend of the Negro, gave the following warning a t a meeting of the FEPC in Birmingham in 1942, namely: “There is no power in the world—not even in all of the mechanized armies of the earth— which could now force the Southern white people to abandonment of the principle of social segregation. It is a cruel disallusionment, bear­ ing the germs of strife and perhaps tragedy, for any of their (Negro) leaders to tell them that they exact it as the price of their participa­ tion in the War.” The late William Graham Sumner of Yale University in his great works—FOLKWAYS—says that the mores come down to us from the 8 �past; that we are born into them and are formed by them before we are old enough to reason about them. When we become conscious of them “we find them facts which already hold us in the bonds of tra­ dition, custom and habit. The mores contain embodied in them, notions, doctrines and maxims, but they are facts.” He says that the white people of the South have never been converted from the old mores of th at region. “Vain attempts have been made to control the new order by legislation. (Referring to Reconstruction after the Civil War.) The only result is proof that legislation cannot make mores. We see also that mores do not form under convulsion and discord.” He points out th at arbitrary action on the mores accomplishes little or nothing. The conditions of success lie in the mores. The method must conform to the mores. The rule is clearly stated in Lanterns on the Levee by William Alex­ ander Percy. He says; “In the South the one sacred taboo, assumed to be Southern, but actually and universally Anglo-Saxon, is the untouchability of white women by Negro men. It is academic to argue the wisdom or justice of this taboo. Wise or unwise, just or unjust, it is the cor­ nerstone of friendly relations, of interracial peace. It has not been the eleventh, but t he first commandment. Even to question it means the shattering of race relations into hideous and bloody ruin. The whites make outcasts of their white women who have violated this taboo, sometimes punishing them as grossly as they punish the offending Negro. Never are they accepted even in the lowest stratum of white society.” (P. 308.) My final testimonial comes from an unexpected source, Hodding Carter, a fellow Mississippian of Alexander Percy, but a Southern “lib­ eral” of outstanding national reputation and Pulitzer Prize winner for tolerance on the Negro question. When he came to write his autobiog­ raphy he came down to earth and struck at the heart of the principle of race relations in the South. He says: “The ultimate issue . . . is essen­ tially sexual in nature and cannot be ridiculed away, or legislated out of existence. . . . I share this insistence upon sexual separteness, for I can see no good coming out of blood fusion for the white and Negro people of the United States.” (See review of Where Main Street Meets the River (by Hodding Carter) by John Temple Graves in the Freeman for August 24, 1953.) 9 �9. Influence of Gunnar Myrdal on Negro Thought and Upon the Supreme Court of the United States The effort toward racial integration on the part of the Negro is of recent origin. The old fight was designed to implement the “separate but equal” rule to better advantage for the Negro. But the Carnegie Corporation of New York had always professed a deep interest in Negro welfare and it decided to give the whole race relations in the South a “new look.” In 1937 the Corporation brought over from Sweden Dr. Gunnar Myrdal, professor in the University of Stockholm. He was described by the Corporation as a “social economist” and an economic adviser to the Swedish Government and member of the Swedish Sen­ ate. He called himself a “social engineer.” He was a socialist and had no knowledge of the Negro question in the United States. He was asked to make a thorough investigation of race relations in this coun­ try ; was given an ample staff and funds for that purpose. He was told to publish his findings solely upon his own responsibility. On this project Dr. Myrdal naturally found himself largely in the company of the Negro leaders. After six years he came up with a two volume work of 1,500 pages: An American Dilemma (Harpers, 1944). His solution was racial integration because he held there is no such thing as race. How­ ever the author hedged himself in with so many self-imposed restric­ tions—“value premises”—that the book has no scientific validity. But as propaganda it became the bible of the educated Negro. It had strong financial sponsorship and has been widely circulated. But neither the Carnegie Corporation nor Myrdal dreamed that this book would be cited by the Supreme Court as the principal authority for Federal en­ forcement of racial integration in the public schools. About this time the University of North Carolina Press requested a number of Negro leaders to join in writing a symposium—What the Negro Wants—the idea being to represent right wing, middle and left wing points of view. When the book came out it appeared that all of the writers had gone over to Gunnar Myrdal. Some Negro leaders say the manuscript would have been rejected had they not threatened a lawsuit over the contract. Mr. W. T. Couch, head of University of North Carolina Press, took issue with his Negro writers and con­ demned Myrdal in the following terms: “I believe that An American Dilemma was written under gross misapprehension of what such ideas as equality, freedom, democracy, human rights, have meant, and of what they can be made to mean. I believe the small measure of these gained by western man is in serious danger of destruction by wide­ spread misunderstanding of the kind represented in An American Dilemma." 10 �The Supreme Court reversed Plessy v. Ferguson not on legal or con­ stitutional grounds but upon the authority of “modern” psychology and sociology—openly and frankly and unanimously. It cited seven recent works, dating from 1944 to 1952. Senator Eastland, in his mas­ terful address to the Senate, in which he brilliantly challenged the opinion of the Court, on May 27, 1954, as a m atter of emphasis to his address, obtained the consent of the Senate to print these references in the Congressional Record. Six of these citations were page refer­ ences. The seventh and last to be cited was no other than Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma and the whole book is cited “generally.” It was the chief authority for the reversal of Plessy. What have we come to when a fund corporation can hire a foreigner to write a phony book about the Negro and then see the Supreme Court puts its recom­ mendations into effect! Myrdal himself frankly expressed his total ignorance of the Negro question in the United States. Every position he took in his book was prefaced by a carefully formulated value premise. He was a pure theorist and his 1,500 page work is speculative to the nth degree. I paid my respects to Myrdal in Whiter Solid South? (Chapter IV, p. 54-57.) 10. “And See Generally Myrdal, An American Dilemma (1944).” (1) In the above quoted language Myrdal is cited as the leading authority for the most revolutionary decision ever made by the Su­ preme Court of the United States. In the first place Myrdal is not the author of the book. It is a Carnegie Corporation project. Between seventy-five and one hundred anti-Southern writers—many of them Negroes such as Ralph Bunche and Walter White—spent about six years working up this propaganda against the South. Four books were published out of this project by Harper Brothers from 1941 to 1943 and thirty-five research manuscripts were written and deposited in the Schomburg Collection of the New York Public Library. Myrdal and his immediate assistants put together An American Dilemma from this mass of material. This book was never intended to be an investigation of the Negro problem in the United States. The project ignored the squalor of Harlem, Detroit, Chicago, Philadelphia and other Northern cities with large Negro populations. The first thing Myrdal did when he came to this country was to make a tour of the South. The purpose of the Carnegie Corporation of New York was to prepare a brief for racial integration in the South. (2) Mr. F. P. Keppel, President of the Carnegie Corporation of New York, wrote a Foreword to An American Dilemma. In it he said: “Though 11 �he has achieved an extraordinary mastery of the English language, Dr. Myrdal is not writing in his mother tongue. Here and there it may lead to the possibility of some misunderstanding of some word or some phrase. This is a risk that has been deliberately taken.” (by the Cor­ poration—not Myrdal) * * * “I venture to close these introductory paragraphs with a personal word dealing with a m atter upon which Dr. Myrdal himself has touched upon in his preface, but which I feel moved to state in my own words. It is inevitable that many a reader will find in the (two) volumes statements and conclusions to which he strongly objects, he be white or colored, Northerner or Southerner. May I urge upon each such reader that he make every effort to react to these statements intellectually and not emotionally. This advice I realize, is much more easy to give than to follow, but it is given with a serious purpose. The author is under no delusions of omniscience; as a scholar, he is used to taking hard knocks as well as giving them and he will be the first to welcome challenges as to the accuracy of any data he has presented, the soundness of any general conclusions he has reached, and the relative weight assigned by him to any factor or fac­ tors in the complicated picture he draws. Criticism and correction on these lines would add greatly to the value of the whole undertaking.” (P. VIII.) This was written on December 15, 1942. This was the book cited as the principal authority by the unanimous opinion of the Su­ preme Court of the United States to force racial integration upon the Southern S tates! (3) Dr. Myrdal states in his preface that when he found out the seriousness of the task before him he proposed to Mr. Keppel that a committee be appointed comprised of one white Southerner, one white Northerner and one Negro to advise him. Mr. Keppel rejected this pro­ posal and said what he wanted was a scholarly appraisal by a “fresh mind.” Dr. Myrdal says further: “The author fully realizes, and hopes the reader will remember, that he has never been subject to the strains involved in living in a black-white society and never has had to become adjusted to such a situation—and that this condition was the very rea­ son why he was asked to undertake the work. He was requested to see things as a stranger. Indeed he was asked to be both the subject and the object of a cultural experiment in the field of social science.” Dr. Myrdal protected his ignorance of the American scene through an elaborate system of value premises. The methodology of this system is explained in detail in his appendix No. 2 (Pp. 1035-1064). He says that they must be purposively selected. They cannot be self-evident or generally valid. They can only have an hypothetical character. (Emphis his.) “The scientific basis for constructing our ‘field of valuations’ 12 �is poor. Public opinion in respect to the Negro problem has not been studied much, and the studies made do not meet our requirements. For the most part we have been forced to base our generalization on im­ pressionistic observation of the values held by different groups and individuals.” (P. 1061.) “The value-loaded terms have a meaning and represent a theoretical approach itself is determined by the evaluations inherent in the gov­ erning ethos of a society.” Upon this theory he concocts an over-all value judgment for his whole work. It is called the “American Creed.” It is not a document and cannot be reduced to writing. It is his concep­ tion of the national conscience of the United States. It is composed of Christian precepts, the spirit of the English Common Law, the dignity of man, the brotherhood of man, equality of all men, democracy and the right of equal participation in economic and social life. Now this so-called Creed exists only in Dr. Myrdal’s psychological speculation. But he imputes it to every Southerner and measures every phase of Southern life against it. He finds that the South does not live up to the American Creed in respect to the Negro. Therefore the South is suf­ fering from a guilty conscience in respect to the Negro. He says of the book An American Dilemma: “We have organized this book around a set of valuations which we have called the ‘American Creed'.” So it turns out that the Carnegie Corporation of New York produced through Myrdal the American Creed and the Supreme Court of the United States has employed it to accomplish integration of the races in the South! Is it to be supposed that the members of the Supreme Bench read the forty-five chapters of Myrdal's two volume work with its ten appen­ dices and two hundred and fifty-eight pages of footnotes ? If they did it seems incredible that they could have brought themselves to cite it as an authority. The author himself is a t great pains to say that his value premises were hypothetical and theoretical and were arbitrarily se­ lected by him. In other words they are without authority. He says fur­ ther that on account of the complications and difficulties attendant upon the Negro problem, to draw up adequate value premises, to relate them to relevant facts and to work out practical programs “is a task which cannot be accomplished within the confines of present research resouces.” (Appendix 2, p. 1062.) 10. Segregation Follows Natural Law The Negro had no part in the rise and development of civilization on the planet Earth. He came on at a later date. The great American 13 �historian and Egyptologist, James Henry Breasted, (under whom I had the privilege of doing graduate work) in his Conquest of Civiliza­ tion (1926) laid the place on E arth where civilization originated in what he called “The Great Northwest Quadrant.” This area takes in all of Europe, all of Africa north of the Sahara, with an eastern boundary of the Ural Mountains with a line extending from them down to the Indian Ocean. In addition to Europe and North Africa, it also embraces what is known as the Near East. This is the original home of what Breasted calls “The Great White Race.” Of this he says: “The population of the Great Northwest Quadrant, from the Stone Age onward, has been a race of white men of varying physical type. The evolution of civilization has been the Achievement of this Great White Race. In the territory adjoining the Northwest Quadrant there are only two other clearly differentiated races, the Mongoloid and the Negroid.” The Mongoloids did not “develop a civilization until long after it was far advanced in the Northwest Quadrant. On the South of the Northwest Quadrant lay the teeming black world of Africa, separated from the Great White Race by an impassible desert barrier, the Sahara. Isolated thus and a t the same time unfitted by ages of tropical life for any effective intrusion among the White Race, the Negro and the Negroid peoples remained without any influence on the development of early civilization.” (Chapters V to VII.) Along this same line and supporting Breasted, the Harvard Univer­ sity Press brought out in 1948 an authoritative work— Human Ancestry —by Professor Ruggles Gates of London University. Dr. Gates is a renowned geneticist. He was invited by Harvard University to take a position as Research Fellow in Biology to examine and report on the tremendous number of primitive human remains—skulls, bones, teeth and artifacts—discovered within recent years, especially in South Africa and the caves of France and China. This book is the result of his researches and conclusions. He found (pp. 366-367) that the members of the human race ap­ peared on earth at different times and on different continents. He dis­ cards the old theory that all human beings are descended from a com­ mon ancestor. This is the doctrine of Homo Sapiens. He says that this doctrine was never scientifically determined to be a fact. He holds that, except for two species of Negro now nearly extinct (the aborig­ inal Australian and the bushman of the Cape of South Africa), there are on earth today three distinct species of man, namely: Homo Caucasicus (the white m an); Homo Mongoloideus (the yellow m an); and Homo Africanus (the Negro). Dr. Gates holds that the Negro was the last to appear—centuries after the white man—and that he is closer to £he anthropoid ape from which he sprung. 14 �Nature has therefore marked the Negro and set him apart from the white man. The rejection of Homo Sapiens eliminates the political doc­ trine of equality of races and governments and destroys the basic principle upon which the United Nations is founded. It should be re­ membered that this doctrine against Homo Sapiens comes from Harvard University which is a hotbed of anti-Southern Negro preten­ sions. For this reason, Southerners—whether or not they follow Gates on evolution—are justified in using this argument as an admission against interest and as argumentum ad hominem. The Gates theory is based upon the scientific doctrine of the evolution of life on earth from lower to higher forms. However, this theory may be entirely disre­ garded in the consideration of the question here discussed. It takes no expert to see at a glance the physical differences between the Negro and the white man. Intellectually and spiritually there is no compari­ son between the two. Strictly speaking the proper place to make the comparison is in the jungles of Africa. The American Negro, by virtue of his short accidental sojourn in this country, has taken on a veneer of our way of life, but he is still rooted in the mores of his ancestors in the savage jungle life. 11. Private Schools The Court has ruled that segregation in the public schools of a State is a violation of the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amend­ ment. The least complicated way out would seem to be for the State to abolish the public school system. It should be noted that such an act would automatically eliminate compulsory education in the State. Citi­ zens of the State could then proceed to the creation of private schools. These would be beyond the reach of the Federal Government. Of course there exist many private schools in every State in the South at the present time so the idea is not new. Private schools would take educa­ tion out of politics and would diversify it. However, to establish pri­ vate schools of general application throughout the State, would re­ quire a system of financing. There is discussion going on that the State could lend the money or in some other way pay the expenses. In my opinion, if the States give any aid to these schools, directly or indi­ rectly, the Supreme Court would declare the school system to be an agency or instrumentality of the State and therefore subject to the decree. It seems to me that the umbilical cord which connects the school system with the taxing power of the State would have to be cut asunder. However, as a matter of tactics in this fight, time may be gained by accepting State aid and let the question go to the Supreme Court for a new decision and then go on from there. If a non-compul15 �sory, self-supporting, private school system is put into operation, the State would be relieved of the entire financial burden of the school budget. Taxes could be reduced by that amount. A way would have to be found for the taxpayer to turn these taxes into the private school fund. The private educational fund would no doubt be in the custody of a corporation or a board of trustees under a charter and by-laws. I suppose that in these days of the industrialization of the South, the largest taxpayers are corporations. When the State would no longer tax for education, the taxes on these corporations could be reduced in proportion to its contribution to the school budget. The exact amount could be ascertained and the corporation in question voluntarily turn it over to the fund. The same would be true of individuals. Regional public opinion would no doubt facilitate this process. 12. Let the Negroes Educate Themselves The Negro leaders in New York are boasting that they will now erase the last vestige of discrimination left by the Civil War. They think that this, new application of Federal coercion will put the Negro in the South, in every respect, on a plane of equality with the white people. It was these New York Negroes who started this fight for in­ tegration in the South. They will have to take their medicine. Under a private system of education for white pupils only, the white people of the South would certainly be under no moral or legal obligation to sup­ port Negro private schools. The Negroes would have to educate them­ selves. No compulsion by the State or by the Federal Government could require the white people to support the Negro private schools. It has been estimated that the white taxpayers in the South pay about 94% of the public schools budget. 13. A Regional Cold War This question did not arise in this controversy, but it should be borne in mind because it supports the Cruikshank case and may otherwise prove useful. In the McLaurin case (decided June 5, 1950) the late Chief Justice Vinson, in an obiter dictum, made an important observa­ tion. This was the case which admitted McLaurin, a Negro, to the graduate school of the University of Oklahoma over the protest of the State authorities. In handing down the opinion of the Court he said, in effect, that the Negro, after the abolition of segregation, might find himself no better off than he was before; “He still may be set apart by his fellow students” and nothing can be done about it. “There 16 �is,” he said, “a vast difference—a Constitutional difference—between restrictions imposed by the State which prevent the intellectual com­ mingling of students, and the refusal of individuals to commingle where the State presents no such bar.” This principle could easily be put into organized effect in high school, college, and university and thereby make life miserable for the Negro. (In the primary schools the parents would teach their children how | to act. 14. To “Schools of Their Choice” One of the questions raised by the Supreme Court was whether the Court should decree th at “Negro children should forthwith be ad­ mitted to schools of their choice.” If left to themselves in the South, I think the Negroes would prefer their own schools and their own Negro teachers. The fight on segregation in the South stems from New York City. After the decree of the Court is promulgated, the first step of the South should be to attempt to induce the local Negro leaders to choose to take their own schools and teachers. If the Negroes are prudent, and the decree permits it, this is the choice they would make. This would make a cold war unnecessary and would preserve the traditional cor­ dial relations between the races which has always been a feature of the civilization of the Southern Region. 15. If Worse Comes to Worst The Negroes seem to be in this fight to the bitter end. If it turns out that there is no conventional way for the Souh to protect herself, there is one final weapon in her hands. It is secret organization. The South in her weakness after the devastation of the Civil War had the will to use this method to drive the carpet-baggers back across the Mason and Dixon line. The best men in the South manned these or­ ganizations. It may become necessary to revive them. (But not the Ku Klux for reasons.) Look up the fair record of the Knights of the White Camelia. (Spelling as in James Ford Rhodes, History of the United States. Vol. VI, p. 291.) � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 18: Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Booklet "November 1954: The Race Integration Cases," 1954 Description An account of the resource Booklet entitled "November 1954: The Race Integration Cases" by Charles Wallace Collins, 1954. Gives a segregationist/States Rights view of Brown vs. Board of Education decision and desegregation and civil rights movement. Discusses the South as a monolithic entity, accuses the Supreme Count of overstepping its bounds, discusses Gunnar Myrdal's "An American Dilemma," gives a history of and supports segregation of all public facilities, and proposes options to keep schools in the South segregated. Booklet has notations by Barbara Marx. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1954 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 18, Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Charles Wallace Collins Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 18_2_1_17_9 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/07958989ee48022a081bfb888516dba6.pdf 830a48f7a1e2d98ac8f4c1d37481d75b PDF Text Text 7 ^ Steps to Political Freedom A P O L I T I C A L PRI MER National Association For The Advancement of Colored People 2 0 WEST 40th STREET, N EW V 0 R K 18, N. V . �STEP 1 H O W TO GET A COORDINATED PROGRAM STARTED IN YOUR CITY OR COUNTY A. Have a Preplanning Discussion with a Few Interested Persons 1 Discuss the Negro voting status of your area inside and . o Don’ p any punches. Try to form a true picture of ut. t ull your community’ voting habits. s 2 S l the coordinating group movement. Show how a pro . el gram based on coordination, can make yours a progres sive area. 3 After selling yourselves on the i . dea, plan a meeting for a l interested citizens and organizations in your area. l B. How to Plan a Meeting for Interested Citizens and Organiza tions 1 Set the date, time and place for an interested citizens . meeting. 2 Appoint a temporary chairman to c l this meeting. . al (a) . Among other things, this chairman should be a sub stantial and well-liked person in the community. (b) . For obvious reasons, the chairman should not be the head of any pol t c l group, or a person usually iden iia t f e with a po i i a party. iid ltcl C. Getting Interested People to the Meeting 1 Send a letter of invitation to the following in your area: . (a) . All of the qualified voters in your area. (b) . All of the p l tax payers in your area (this i i ol s n reference to those states with the p l tax law). ol (c) . All of the registered voters in your area. (d) . To the ministers of a l churches. l (e) . To the presidents of a l organizations (fraternal, l s c a , labor or poli i a ) regardless of their size or oil tcl prestige in the community. Through personal con tact have these leaders invite their membership to be present. 3 �2 Set up a telephone committee to follow up the letterwith . telephone c l s al. 3 A few days before the meeting: . (a) . Have the ministers make church announcements. (b) . Pass out l a l t about the meeting at church and efes from door to door. D. Plan Light Refreshments E Don’ Miss Any of These Steps . t The one you omit may be the spark plug to a bang-up meeting. Good meetings are planned not born. STEP 2 WHAT TO D O AT THE FIRST INTERESTED CITIZENS MEETING a l s t back in a wall of silence when you ask for questions. So l i be prepared ahead of time to get them to talking on the subject. F Begin Organization of a Coordinating Group . 1 Have a person ready to briefly sum up the discussion and . make a motion to organize a coordinating group. G. Temporary Officers After the organizational motion has passed, the chairman of the meeting will then c l for the election of a temporary chairman al and a temporary secretary for the new organization. Usually the temporary chairman and the temporary secretary of the meeting are re-el c e , but putting i on the f o r gives a l of the per etd t lo l sons present a chance to participate. H. Committees The elected temporary chairman will then appoint committees for the next organizational meeting. Try to give everyone at the meeting some responsibility. Put them on committees for the next meeting. (Instruct them to bring in written reports.) 1 Constitutional Committee (5 persons) . Refer this committee to a model of a coordinating group constitution. A. Open with Prayer and Song B. Temporary Chairman Greets the People and Gives Purpose of Meeting 1 To discuss W H Y we should increase the Negro voting . strength. W H Y a coordinating group should be organ i e , a new and dynamic movement for increasing the zd Negro vote. (Allow 2 minutes) C. Have a Speaker Give Down to Earth Discussion on the Value of Voting (Base talk on voting in relation t our meat and bread, our dol o lars and cents, our children’ welfare.) (Allow 10 minutes) s D. Have Another Speaker to Explain the Why and How of a Co ordinated Group Movement. He Must Be Good. He Must S l el the Movement to the Interested Citizens (Allow 15 to 20 minutes) E Question and Discussion Period . Keep the b l moving by having two or three persons in the audi al ence prepared to ask the f r tfew questions. People ordinarily w is ill 4 2 Circular Committee . Appoint a person from each section to give out the c ir culars for the next meeting. 3 Phone Committee . A good committee for housewives and elderly ladies who cannot leave home. Have them c l the people in their al neighborhoods. 4 Refreshment Committee . Plan refreshments for meetings. 5 Door Prize Committee . Get neighborhood businesses to donate door prizes. 6 Ministerial Committee . To contact a l ministers in the area and see to i that l t church announcements are made about the meeting. 7 Letter Committee . Help send out l t e s Use business and school mimeo etr. graph machines. (Use the same sources you used for sending out le t r for the f r t meeting.) tes is 5 �/ Set a Date and Time for Next Meeting . (Have this already planned in your mind.) J Close Meeting with Prayer and Allow Time for Fellowship . (Some of the best results of the meeting will come out of this period.) K. While I I Fresh in Their Minds, Have Temporary Chairman Send ts Out Letters of Congratulation to Every Member Present the Very Next Day TIPS FOR A CHAIRMAN 1 Try to appoint committeemen that fit the job. Example: For . Circular Committee, appoint school teachers, insurance men or church clerks. These persons usually have access to paper and mimeograph machines. 2 It’ easy to appoint a committee, but the success of the com . s mittee depends upon your guidance. Keep behind them. Make them feel Important because they are Important. D. Have Another Speaker Explain the How and Why of a Coordi nating Group Movement (Allow 5 minutes.) E Question and Discussion Period . Keep the ball moving by having two or three persons in the audi ence prepared to ask the first few questions. People generally will all sit back in a wall of silence when you ask for questions. So be prepared ahead of time to get them to talking ON THE SUB JECT. (Allow 10 minutes.) F Report of Committees . 1 Circular Committee . 2. Phone Committee 3 Refreshment Committee . 4 Door Prize Committee . 5. Ministerial Committee 6 Letter Committee . 7 Name Committee . 8. Constitution Committee (a) (b) (c) (d) STEP 3 WHAT TO D O AT THE SECOND INTERESTED CITIZENS MEETING A. Open with Prayer and Song B. Temporary Chairman Greets the People and Gives Purpose of Meeting 1 To complete organization of a coordinating group, a new . and dynamic organization for increasing the Negro vote. 2. Reading of the minutes of the first meeting. (Allow 5 minutes for 1 & 2.) . Give a copy to each member present. . Have the chairman read the entire report. . Ask for questions. . Have a person ready when the questions lag to sanction the report and make a motion that it be received and adopted. (Allow the committees 10 minutes) G. Appoint a Nominating Committee 1 W-A-R-N-I-N-G! This Committee can either make or . break your organization. Make sure that their hands are clean. 2 Again explain that for obvious reasons the officers should . not be the heads of political groups or persons usually identified with political parties. H. Have a Motion Made that the Committees Already Formed Be Made Standing Committees C. Have a Speaker Give Down to Earth Discussion on the Value of Voting (Base talk on voting in relation to our meat and bread, our dollars and cents, our children’ welfare.) (Allow 5 minutes.) s I Set Date and Place of Next Meeting . (Two weeks later to keep the fire from dying out.) 1 I-M-P-O-R-T-A-N-T! In building up your third meet. 6 7 �ing, use the same steps you used for the first two meet ings plus a few more steps. J See 1A Shortcut in Organizing” Below . 1 K. Close Meeting and Join in Refreshments and Fellowship STEP 4 WHAT TO D O AT THE THIRD ORGANIZATIONAL MEETING OF THE COORDINATING GROUP A. Open with Prayer and Song TIPS FOR CHAIRMAN Get everything possible you can get out of a meeting without boring the people. 1 If this second Interested Citizens Meeting has moved . along smoothly, and you have some time, try this: “A Short Cut In Organizing.” (a) . Divide those present into precinct groups. Example: All persons living in Precinct 1 sit in this section; all persons living in Precinct 2 sit in this section, etc. Beforehand, have the boundaries of the pre cincts available. Most people do not know their pre cincts. (b) . Let them form temporary precinct committees with a temporary chairman and temporary secretary. (c) . Give each temporary precinct committee chairman a copy of Step 5, “How To Organize A Precinct Or Neighborhood Club For Getting Out The Vote.” (d) . Let the group study this plan and urge them to bring as many people as possible from their neigh borhood to the next meeting where they will receive more tips and help in calling their first neighbor hood meeting. DO NOT USE THIS SHORTCUT IF YOU FEEL THE TIME ISN’ RIPE!! T B. Temporary Chairman Greets the People and Gives Purpose of the Meeting 1 Elect officers. . 2 Begin organizing precinct clubs. . 3 Begin block worker training. . C. Reading of the Minutes D. Report of Committees 1 Circular . 2. Phone 3. Refreshment 4 Door Prize . 5 Ministerial . 6. Letter 7. Nominating (first and most important purpose of meet ing) E New Officers Take Their Seats . F The Chair Appoints a Committee to Plan an Installation Service. . This I Good Publicity and Good for the Ego of the Off c r s ies G. The Chair Appoints a Financial Committee H. Block Workers Workshop (Refer instructor to “Instructions for Block Leaders.”) Use some one in the selling field, if possible, to give this workshop, i.e. insur ance salesman. (Allow 10 minutes.) I Speaker on the Organization and Function of a Precinct Club . (Refer speaker to organization and functions of a precinct club.) (Allow 10 minutes.) J Divide the Membership into Precinct Groups . 8 �K. Let Each Precinct Croup Elect a Temporary Chairman and a Tem porary Secretary, i This Has Not Been Done at a Prior Meeting f G. Invite the Executive Secretary of Your Coordinating Group t o Help You Plan Your Meeting L . H. Remember t i Meeting I f the People i Your Neighborhood hs s or n or Precinct. So Be Sure to Make This Point Clear i Your L n etters and L aflets. e Give Each Temporary Chairman: 1 Step 5, “How To Organize A Precinct or Neighborhood . Club for Getting Out Votes.” 2 Step 6, “What To Do At The First Precinct Club Meet . ing.” 3. Allow them a ten minute period. M. Set Time and Place of Next Meeting N. Adjourn Meeting and Enter into Fellowship and Refreshments STEP 6 WHAT TO DO AT THE FIRST PRECINCT CLUB MEETING A. Open with Prayer and Song STEP 5 H O W TO ORGANIZE A PRECINCT OR NEIG HBORHOOD CLUB FOR GETTING OUT VOTES A. F r t Have a Planning Meeting with a Few Key People i the is n Neighborhood to Plan a Large Neighborhood or Precinct Meet ing 1 Elect a temporary chairman and a temporary secretary . from this group. B Temporary Chairman Greets the People and Gives Purpose of . Meeting 1 To discuss WHY we should increase the Negro voting . strength. 2. To discuss the ways and means of increasing the Negro voting strength in the precinct and the boundaries of the precinct. (Allow 2 minutes for 1 & 2.) B. Set a Date, Place and Time for the Large Neighborhood or Pre c inct Meeting C. Have a Speaker Give Down to Earth Discussion on the Value of Voting (Base talk on voting in relation to our meat and bread, our dollars and cents, our children’ welfare.) Call on your coordinating or s ganization for speakers. (Allow 10 minutes.) C. Send a Letter of Invitation to the Meeting t : o 1 All of the registered voters in your area. . 2 All of the ministers, teachers and business and profes . sional people living in the precinct area. D. Have Another Speaker on Organization He will give the background and workings of a coordinated group and show how effective this group can operate. (Allow 15 to 20 minutes.) D. Follow Up These Letters with Personal Contact and Phone Calls E A Few Days Before the Date of the Meeting, Pass Out Leaflets . from Door to Door and at the Neighborhood Churches. Have the Minister Make the Announcement E Question and Discussion Period . Keep the ball moving by having two or three persons in the audi ence prepared to ask the first few questions. (Allow 10 to 20 min utes.) F Plan Light Refreshments . (Your best results are sometimes gotten while people are standing around eating.) F Begin Precinct Organization . 1 Have a person ready to briefly sum up the discussion and . make a motion to organize a precinct club. 10 11 �G. Temporary O fficers After the organizational motion has passed, the chairman of the meeting will then call for the election of a temporary chairman and a temporary secretary for the new organization. (Usually the temporary chairman and the temporary secretary of the meeting are re-elected. But putting it on the floor gives all of the persons present a chance to participate.) H. Committees The elected temporary chairman will then appoint committees for the next organization meeting. 1. Constitutional Committee (5 persons) 2. Nominating Committee (5 persons) Instruct this committee to have ready a slate of officers including president, vice-president, secretary, treasurer, chaplain and sergeant-at-arms. (This will save time if the group adopts the slate of officers given by the Model Constitution.) / Other Committees . Try to give everyone at the meeting some responsibility. Put them on committees and request that they give their reports in writing at the next meeting. 1 Circular Committee . Appoint a person from each section to give out the cir culars for the next meeting. 2 Phone Committee . A good committee for housewives and elderly ladies who cannot leave home. Have them call the people in their neighborhoods. 3 Refreshment Committee . Plan refreshments for meetings. 4 Door Prize Committee . Get neighborhood businesses to donate door prizes. 5 Ministerial Committee . To contact all ministers in the area and see to it that church announcements are made about the meeting. 6 Letter Committee . Help send out letters. Use business or school mimeograph machines. 12 J Set a Date and Time for Next Meeting . (Have this already planned in your mind.) K. Close Meeting with Prayer and Allow Time for Fellowship (Some of the best results of the meeting will come out of this period.) L While I I Fresh i Their Minds, Have Temporary Chairman Send . ts n Out L etters of Congratulation to Every Member Present the Very Next Day. TIPS FOR TEMPORARY CHAIRMAN You have leadership responsibility. You cannot go home at the close of the meeting and remain idle until the next meeting. To insure a good meeting, you must: 1 Make an early check with your committee chairmen and . see if they are doing their jobs. 2 Good meetings are planned not born. . STEP 7 WHAT TO D O AT THE SECOND PRECINCT MEETING A. Open with Prayer and Song B. Temporary Chairman Greets the People and Gives Purpose of the Meeting 1 To complete organization of a precinct club. . 2 To instruct block workers. . C. Reading of the Minutes D. Report of Committees 1 Circular . 2. Phone 3. Refreshment 4 Door Prize . 13 �5. 6 . 7. 8. 9. Ministerial Letter Name Constitutional Nominating (this is a shortcut. If need be, postpone this committee’ report until the next meeting). s E Have a Motion Made that All Committees Named be Made . Standing Committees F Appoint a Finance Committee and a Block Leader Chairman . C. Open Discussion (10 minutes) on “What good can we do in our neighborhood.” H. Set a Date and Time for Next Meeting (Have this already planned in your mind.) I Use the Same Procedure for Building Up Your Third Meeting that . You Used for the Second Meeting J Block Workers Instructions . (10 minutes.) Call on your coordinating group for instructor and block worker kits. INSTRUCTIONS FOR BLOCK LEADERS Block leaders are the foundation of progressive neighborhood or ganizations. They are the life lines of communication between the organizations and the people of the neighborhood. Obtain the service of salesmen to instruct block workers, such as insurance agents. The duties of block leaders are: 1 Contact and make friends. . a. Visit each neighbor’ home and introduce themselves. s b. Tell them about the neighborhood organization and its purpose. c. Be sure to explain the importance of every adult in the com munity becoming a qualified voter and voting. 2 Ask them to help the organization's program by: . a. Coming to and taking part in its regular meetings. b. Helping whenever and wherever possible. c. Letting you make a voting survey of every adult in the house. 3. Leave with a friendly expression and again remind your host that: a. You are the block’ representative for the organization; s b. You may be called concerning any of their community prob lems; and c. You will keep constant contact with them about community and organization developments. K. Adjourn and Allow Time for Fellowship and Refreshments FOR BLOCK LEADERS TIPS FOR PRESIDENTS 1 Work with your committees. Insist that their reports be . in writing. 2. Have a purpose for every meeting. 3. Look for issues in your neighborhood to stimulate inter est, such as neglected streets, lighting, no playgrounds for children. 4. Go all out at each meeting to get the people to attend 5 Have progressive and interesting meetings. Call on your . coordinating group for speakers, movies, etc. DO 1 Do be f i n l . . redy 2 Do explain the how and why of . your organization’ program. s 3 Do l t the host t l . . e ak 4 Do begin your survey today. . 5 Do keep in constant touch with . your neighbors. 6 Do get them t become q a i i d . o ulfe vtr. oes DON'T 1 Don’ get angry. (Maybe the . t host’ corns h r . Come back s ut) on a clear day or n g t ih. 2 Don’ ask t make a voting sur . t o vey standing at the d o . or 3 Don’ do a l the t l i g . t l akn. 4 Don’ put o fu . t f ntil next week. 5 Don’ just v s t when you want . t ii a favor. Stop by and get their ideas sometimes. 6 Don’ forget a follow up v s t . t ii when they make you a promise. Do Go Beyond the Call of Duty to Increase the Negro Voting Strength! 14 15 �CHURCH PROGRAM Call a meeting of ministers of the community. A luncheon or buffet supper would be fine. The following information should be presented to each attending minister for discussion. IV. Again we repeat, you know better than anyone else “how to lead your people.” If any of these suggestions interfere with your church program disregard them. We only ask that you, in your own way, help us increase the Negro voting strength. Signed (NAME OF SPONSORING GROUP) Suggestions for Voter Registration in the Church T o: Dedicated and Loyal Ministers Object: To increase the number of voters in the state through pas toral leadership and the ministers’ knowledge of human nature. I. EXPLANATION— If all the members of the Negro churches were to become qualified voters, we would more than double the Negro voting strength. II. Here are some suggested plans for you, a minister, to use along with your own valuable knowledge of people: 1 Sell the idea to the official board of your church. . 2. Set a goal for the number of new voters in your church. 3. Have at least two Sunday sermons on citizenship during the month. a. Encourage the non-voter to become a qualified voter. b. Encourage the qualified voter to persuade at least one non-voter to become a qualified voter. c. After each sermon, have the ushers pass out to the con gregation a leaflet on “How To Become A Qualified Voter” in your area. (These will be furnished by the local Co ordinating Committee for voter registration.) 4. Set up a Voter Registration Committee to help people get over the idea that it is difficult to register. (Many people feel too self-conscious to ask for help, but they would gladly ac cept help if it is made convenient and inconspicuous.) III. THE PERSONAL TOUCH— You, more than anyone else, know what this means to a layman. 1 If you can arrange to work with the Voter Registration Com . mittee, your being with them will greatly aid their success. 2. If you can arrange to be at the Registrar's Office on a certain day, it will inspire your members to work for a greater registration. 16 “ GET OUT THE VOTE” The Voter Registration Program in your area will be as dead as a doornail if the qualified voters stay at home on election day. Don’ t take it for granted that people are going to vote. ACT NOW!! After election day will be too late. Don’ use the shotgun technique, find out who is qualified to vote and t aim all of your efforts straight at the qualified voter. I. Prepare a personal contact card and a poll watcher’ card for s each qualified voter. a. The contact card is the card used by volunteer block leaders to make personal contact with each voter. 1 On this card in the following order, put the voter's ad . dress, name and phone number. 2 Now divide these cards according to addresses into units . of no more than eight each. (If eight voters live in the 200 block of “M” Street, take these persons’ cards and wrap a rubber band around them. Now you have a unit of cards.) 3 Find a volunteer voter in this unit who will contact the . other seven voters in the 200 block "M” Street. (You will be surprised to find out that a simple phone call is all that is needed sometimes to secure a good volunteer.) b. The poll watcher’ card is used by the poll watchers at each s voting place. 1 This card should contain, in the following order, name . (last name first), address and phone number. 2 These cards should be filed in alphabetical order accord . ing to precinct or voting districts. 3 These cards will be used at the polls by the poll watchers. . They will pull the voters’ cards as they come to the polls and notify their headquarters about tardy voters. 17 �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 18: Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Booklet "Seven Steps to Political Freedom," NAACP Description An account of the resource Booklet "Seven Steps to Political Freedom: A Political Primer" by the NAACP. Gives step-by-step instructions on how to organize a voter recruitment organization, including gathering interested citizens, forming an official organization and its hierarchy, and how to go about getting people registered and then voting on election day. Includes advice for block leaders and involving church groups. Ten pages. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 18, Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource NAACP Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource No date Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant unknown Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 18_1_8_1_1 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/86c67a7f1f5b59868b9c70e9965b3780.jpg fd3b4350ec24b99663f0421f76286958 https://projectdaps.org/files/original/5cf48434ae5177eecf007e7ef6c8f003.pdf df2d4a89aa64766634ae37753c66335d PDF Text Text THE RACE PROBLEM FROM THE STANDPOINT OF ONE W HO IS CONCERNED ABOUT THE EVILS OF MISCEGENATION By W. C. GEORGE Published by AMERICAN STATES RIGHTS ASSN., INC. 2112 F irst Ave., N . Birmingham , A la. FEBRUARY, 1955 �:* ......... Li/.-. : : ■ - . v s. »i< •. ■ tluv :h«‘i L * . �THE RACE PROBLEM AND THE CLERGY Dr. W. C. George reports that about 350 communications have been received supporting the petition asking for continued separation of schools for white and Negro pupils. A few letters have been received condemning it. One from a divinity student urged withdrawal of the petition. Among other objections, he disapproved of the sentence that reads: “In as much as a careful reading of the New Testament reveals that Christ never said one word about the race problem, we deplore the efforts of some people to identify a program of racial integration with Christianity.” And he raised the question: “Is it really signifi­ cant that Christ said nothing about the race problem? . . . Our task is to see how the ethic that he lived and taught should be interpreted and applied in new situations.” Since this young preacher apparently represents a point of view common in divinity schools and among the clergy, it probably should have a public answer. The answer is th at it makes a great deal of dif­ ference whether we teach as Christianity what Christ said or what ecclesiastical politicians say. Furthermore, attempting to interpret Christ’s ethic is one thing. Making final judgments on complex human problems on the basis of little information or understanding is quite another. Ministers have gone much further than raise the question of ethics. Without seeming to understand or even to be aware of very funda­ mental matters, they have promoted a rash of resolutions declaring that separation of the races is “unchristian” and they have promoted social revolution. Attempts to exercise temporal power do not make ministers more worthy or more effective spiritual ambassadors of Christ. Doing wrong in Christ’s name and calling it “applied Christianity” does not make it right. It merely compounds the wrong. Those ministers who are tempted to make dogmatic statements and decisions about worldly matters based on their interpretation of the scriptures and try to impose “the Christian position” on the people would do well to read and ponder the sentence imposed on Galileo for proving that the earth is not the center of the universe. It reads in part as follows: “We say, pronounce, sentence, declare that you, the said Galileo, by reason of the matters adduced in this trial, and by you confessed as above, have rendered yourself in the judgment of this Holy Office vehemently suspected of heresy, namely of having believed and held the doctrine—which is false and contrary to the sacred and divine scriptures—that the Sun is the center of the World and does not move from east to west, and that the Earth moves and is not the center of the World. . . . And that consequently you have incurred all the cen­ sures and penalties imposed and promulgated in the sacred cannons and other constitutions, general and particular, against such delin­ quents. . . .” See Durham Herald, December 19, 1954. �In.'" .. ' ■l �T he R ace P roblem From the Standpoint of O ne W ho Is C oncerned A bout the E vils of M iscegenation By W. C. GEORGE* There is a widespread campaign to break down our barriers of cus­ tom and law that are intended to prevent miscegenation and the hybridization of America. This campaign is promoted in part by people who sincerely believe that they are doing God’s will; also by people who have no regard for God’s will but are merely seeking to gain pub­ licity or political advantage. The fundamental issues involved are commonly ignored, and the arguments used are largely political and quasi-religious slogans. One of the current and probably most effective propaganda lines is built up around the “Fatherhood of God and brotherhood of man” motif. Concerning this I will content myself here with recalling to your minds that God made the races different and first segregated them. It requires the presentation of better reasons than have here­ tofore been advanced before we are justified in declaring that God’s original policy of separation of the races should be abandoned. One of the favorite scriptural quotations of those who oppose the separation of the races is: “And hath made of one blood all nations of men.” They stop there without quoting the remainder of the sentence, which really reads: “And hath made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath determined the time before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation." (Acts 17, 26.) Many sincere people have been misled by specious and false argu­ ments and by appeals to their generous impulses into an acceptance of the thesis th at we should eliminate all of our laws and customs in­ tended to maintain separation of the white and Negro races in social relations. The purpose of this discourse is to point out the falsity of the arguments and conclusions of the proponents of racial intermin­ gling and to explain why the inauguration of policies promoting social intermingling of the races and miscegenation would be furthering the deterioration of our race and our civilization and is, therefore, essen­ tially unrighteous. •W H O ’S WHO IN AMERICA G E O R G E , W e sle y C r i t z : B io lo g ist, e d u c a to r ; b . Y a d k in C o u n ty , N . C ., A u g . 2 0 , 1888'; s . T h o m a s M illa r d a n d M a ry H e n r ie tta (C r itz ) G . ; A .B ., U . o f N . C ., 1911, A .M ., 1912, P h .D ., 1 9 1 8 ; H in to n M a u le fe llo w , P r in c e t o n , 1 9 1 7 -1 8 ; m . W ilm a K ir k G re e n , F e b . 2 7 , 1 9 2 6 ; 1 d a u ., P a t r i c i a A n n . I n s t r . in z o o lo g y U . o f N . C ., 1 9 1 2 -1 6 ; p r o f , b io lo g y G u ilf o r d C o ll., N . C ., 1916-17 ; A d ju n c t p r o f , z o o lo g y N . o f G a., 1 9 1 9 ; a sso . p r o f , h is to lo g y a n d e m b ry o lo g y N . o f T e n n . M ed. S c h . 1919-20, a sso . p r o f . U . o f N . C ., 1920-24, p r o f, s in c e 1924, h e a d d e p t, o f a n a to m y 1 9 4 0 -4 9 ; in v e s tig a to r in m a r i n e b io lo g y d u r in g su m m e r s . U . S. F is h e r ie s B io l. S t a ., B e a u f o r t, N . C ., B e r m u d a B iol. S ta ., F l a . S e rv e d a s s e r g t ., M . C ., U . S . A r m y 1918-19. F e llo w A .A .A .S .; m e m . A m . A s s n . A n a t ­ o m is ts , A m . S o c. Z o o lo g ists, A m . S o c. H u m a n G e n e tic s. E lis h a M itc h e ll S c ie n c e S o c ie ty ( c o -e d ito r jo u r n a l ) , N o r t h C a r o lin a A c a d S c i. ( p re s . 1 9 5 2 ), S i g m a X i, S ig m a C h i, S ig m a U p s ilo n , P h i C h i. D e m o c r a t. E p is c o p a lia n . A u th o r a r ti c le s o n d e v e lo p m e n t o f m a n a n d o th e r v e r te b r a te s , c o m ­ p a r a t i v e h e m a to lo g y , p h ilo s o p h y o f S c i. H o m e : 208 G la n d o n D r., C h a p e l H ill, N . C. 5 �In propaganda lectures, sermons, and published articles dealing with the race problem, the expression, “all men are created equal,” is bandied around very loosely. If by “equal” is meant equal in their fun­ damental right to justice, then intelligent, fair, and honest men can agree to the quotation; but when the expression is used to imply equality in the biological sense, a more false statement is difficult to conceive. Biologically, instead of being equal individuals range at birth all the way from scarcely more than mere blobs of protoplasm to potential physical giants and intellectual geniuses. In this discussion we can start out probably in agreement upon the general statement that any particular individual is the product of his genetic constitution (i.e., his heredity), nurtured and modified by the influence of his environment. We may differ as to the relative value we place upon genetic constitution and environment. Either con­ sciously or unconsciously the supporters of a policy of racial amalga­ mation place a high value on the part played by environment in the making of an individual, and they tend to discount heredity. I hope to show you that the value of environment is overemphasized by these people and the potency of heredity underemphasized. Let us see what two or three reputable and critical scholars have to say about this. Professor Charles A. Berger, of Fordham University, writing in Scientific Aspects of the Race Problem (published by the Cath­ olic University of America Press) says: “We may safely state that most, if not all, psychic characters are deeply influenced both by the genetic constitution and by the environment.” Professor H. S. Jennings, the distinguished Head of the Department of Zoology of Johns Hopkins University until his retirement, and now Research Professor at the University of California, says in the same book: “. . . it is clearly proved that the following types of characterstics depend on the nature of the chromosomal material borne by the individual (that is, on his ‘heredity’) : “Sex, color of eyes and hair, complexion, form of the features, form and distribution of the hair, finger prints and palm and sole patterns, structure and form of the hands and feet, form of the body (stoutness, slenderness, stature, and the like), chemical com­ position of the blood, the blood types, the glandular types to which individuals belong, the senses and their efficiency, efficiency of the brain, vigor and weakness of the constitution, susceptibility and im­ munity to various diseases, and many other physical and physio­ logical peculiarities.” How real is this matter of inheritance in our own experience? You are all aware of the reality of family resemblances, and those of us who are older see over and over again our friends reappearing in their childen—not only their physical features, but their psychological, tem6 �1 peramental and moral qualities. You are even more strikingly aware of the breed characteristics of size, shape, color, etc., of cocker span­ iels, police dogs, collies, dachshunds, etc.; and you recognize that these characteristics are inherent in their genetic constitution; i.e., they are transmitted from generation to generation. The list of herit­ able qualities is not limited to such gross structural features as size, shape and color. As indicated in the quotation from Dr. Jennings, it includes many intimate features. The courage of a bulldog and the timidity of a rabbit are not environmental accidents. Neither are gen­ erations of greatness in the Adams family, or generations of crime, poverty and imbecility in such families as the Kalikaks, incidents of circumstance—although I am ready to admit that accidents of fortune do sometimes greatly alter the course of events, both in the greatly endowed and in the poorly endowed. One of my neighbors and I are both cattle farmers. The difference between us is that he has a fine herd of thoroughbred Jersey cows that he keeps in well-fenced pastures and breeds to carefully selected thoroughbred Jersey bulls, whereas I have only grade cows in my herd, and that herd is sometimes contaminated by having another neigh­ bor’s Hereford bull break down our poor fences and visit at will. We have both observed the re-emergence of heritable qualities through generations of cattle. As I observed my animals through succeeding generations, I have been impressed with the recurrence of qualities of temperatment, character and social behavior as well as structural fea­ tures and qualities of milk production. It can scarcely be contended that these differences in character and social behavior that appear in some lines generation after generation are due to differences in en­ vironment or opportunity since all animals run in the same pastures and receive essentially the same treatment. It is well recognized by cattlemen that different breeds of cattle (Jersey, Hereford, Angus, e.g.) have personality traits just as they have physical traits and physiological traits. You may not have had an intimate acquaintance with cattle, but many of you have observed dogs and cats. You may know the nervous­ ness of the Pekingese and the terriers, the stolid qualities of the St. Bernard, the aloofness of the police dogs, the alert intelligence and affection of the Cocker Spaniel. You know also the inherent qualities of cleanliness of the cat and the greed and dirtiness of the hog. Could there be any question in your mind that these are heritable qualities and not the result of environment or educational opportunity? You can teach things to cows and dogs and cats and hogs, but the funda­ mental racial and individual qualities are there in the fertilized eggs from which they came. The leopard cannot change his spots, nor can the Ethiopian change his skin or his genetic constiution. 7 �In formulating our social policies for humanity, we cannot afford to make the mistake of assuming that humans have any less definitely heritable individual and racial qualities than lower animals have. The influence of heredity may be less clear-cut in the case of individuals in the heterogeneous assemblage of interbreeding individuals that make up the human population than it is in pure breeds of dogs and cattle. The hereditary base is still there, however, and it is inexorable in its influence on the future of men and of races. This power of heredity in humans is most clearly and precisely dem­ onstrated in studies of one-egg twins. The physical likeness of individ­ uals within pairs of one-egg twins is common knowledge. The deep^ seated nature of the similarities is not so generally appreciated. It is of great significance that numerous studies and reports establish a high degree of concordance within such pairs of twins in the occur­ rence of anomalies; the development of tumors; the incidence of disease; the similarities in electrocardiograms and electroencephalograms, which are highly individual records of the fundamental behavior of heart and brain; and similarities in physiological behavior. These similarities cannot in any large degree be ascribed to similarities in environment because they occur in one-egg twins separated at birth and raised in different environments. Furthermore, it is known that two-egg twins raised together grow steadily more unlike in spite of the similarities of environment, while one-egg twins raised apart re­ main closely similar. Psychological and intelligence tests of twins, within pairs of one-egg twins, show a high degree of concordance from the upper levels of intelligence down to the grossly mentally deficient. It has been obobserved from these studies that mental ability appears to be inherited to about the same extent as physical traits. Statistical analyses have been made of data obtained from a large number of twins, including fifty pairs of two-egg twins reared together, fifty pairs of one-egg twins reared together, and twenty pairs of one-egg twins reared apart. These analyses lead to the conclusion that physical characters and mental ability are more influenced by heredity than they are by en­ vironment ; that motor activity and emotional balance are more influ­ enced by environment than are physical characteristics and mental ability; and that environment plays a marked role in determining the results obtained from educational performance tests. Does heredity have anything to do with moral qualities and charac­ ter? I know of studies of criminality in 151 pairs of twins, one or both of whom had criminal careers. The concordance, including similarities in types of crimes committed and age of commission, was much higher among one-egg twins than among two-egg twins. That the similarities in criminal histories in one-egg twins is due to hereditary composition 8 �is indicated by the fact that there was no greater resemblance in crim­ inal careers among those who remained in the same community than among those who were geographically separated at the time they be­ gan their criminal careers and by the fact that the ratio of concord­ ance to discordance in criminal careers is nearly four times as high among one-egg twins as among two-egg twins. What does all this material about twins have to do with the race problem? I cite this evidence not to deny the importance of environ­ ment and education in developing our innate genetic qualities, but to show the fallacy of the conception that all men are born equal biologi­ cally and to show the fallacy in the doctrine that all that is needed to bring about universal equality in merit and achievement is to provide equally beneficient environment for all. The public is being bombarded more or less persistently with the suggestion and the positive statement that the races are all equal and that the only real difference between the white man and the Negro is the color of their skin. As pointed out a few minutes ago, we become aware, when we recall our ordinary personal observations concerning breeds of dogs and cattle, that physiological and personality traits, as well as anatomical features, appear to be associated with different breeds or races. The general consistency in nature would lead us to suppose that the same situation occurs in the human species. But let us examine the evidence and the opinions of critical observers. Ales Hrdlicka (1941), the distinguished anthropologist of the United States National Museum, has this to say: “Races, therefore, are not and cannot be identical, and this applies more or less to all their qualities, physical, physiological and in­ tellectual.” P.167. “The Australian—or Australo-Tasmanian—is a remnant of a once much larger stock of old, doubtless, paleolithic, derivation. It is in anachronism, does not fit well modern humanity . . .” P. 178. Of the Negroid stem he says: “. . . . the Bushmen, of probably two varieties and the Hottentots, are related, degenerate and petering-out old strains; the Negroes proper, a relatively late development, are represented by a number of varieties, such as the Zulu-Kaffirs, the Nilotics, and probably also the Senegalese, and others as yet not well determined.” Pp. 184-185. The statement on the Negro in the Encyclopaedia Britannica lists a number of the physical charactristics of the race. Also, Wingate Todd, the British-born and reared Professor of Anatomy and Directortor of the Haman Museum of Western Reserve University, and per­ haps our leading student of anthropometry, points out some of the anatomical features of the Negro race. I’ll not bore you with the tech9 �nical details. Those interested can find them in Professor Todd’s paper in the report of the National Research Council on the Confer­ ence on Racial Differences. When competent observers look sharply enough, racial differences are found to exhibit themselves in many ways other than normal ana­ tomical features. Raymond Pearl (1928, p. 22), Professor at Hop­ kins School of Public Health, and perhaps our leading student of vital statistics, states that “there are distinct differences between racial groups in this country relative to the incidence of certain diseases.” For insance, he points out, on the basis of extensive studies, that cancer is lower in the colored man than in the white and that there are racial features in the details of distribution of cancers in the body. As we justified in considering that races differ fundamentally in other ways than in color, normal anatomy, and pathology? Are they to be looked upon as different, but equal in ability and achievement? Recently I heard a preacher state in a sermon that “science” has proved that the races are equal. Science has proved no such thing. Pretty much all of the evidence gathered, as well as our common ex­ perience, indicates the opposite, on the basis of our ordinary standards. I am not sure, however, that science can either prove or disprove that the white man is either superior or inferior or equal to the Negro. Questions of definitions and standards would first have to be settled. It seems fairly evident to me, however, on the basis of the standards of our “white civilization” that the Negro race is inferior to the white race in capacity to develop and maintain a civilization. Let’s look at the evidence. In a recent article, obviously pro-Negro in tone and in­ tent, Professor McCormick (1945) of the University of Wisconsin states: “The best tests that have been devised by psychologists to date fail to show that the Negro measures up to the white on the aver­ age in mental performance; but they do show beyond question that some Negroes are more intelligent than many whites.” Again, Franz Boas (1940), whose general bias is towards minimizing the signifi­ cance of race, states: “There have been many comparative tests of intelligence of individuals of various European types and of Europeans and Negroes. North Europeans tested in our country were found as a whole decidedly superior to south Europeans; Europeans as a whole, to Negroes.” According to Professor Bonger (1943) of the Netherlands, the U. S. Army tests show that the level of intelligence of the Negro is roughly 25 per cent lower than that of the whites. The author seems prejudiced against the reality of racial differences in intelligence, and after making explanations for the data, says: “. . . One still gets the impression—although without complete certainty—that the inherent �intelligence of the Negro is less than that of the white man. Serious, unprejudiced writers such as Hankins, Dowd, Viteles, Garth and Peters come to this conclusion.” P. 51. In a book, Temperament and Race (1926), by S. D. Porteus and Mar­ jorie E. Babcock, Director of Research and Psychologists at the Vineland, New Jersey, school for the feebleminded, the authors present some interesting and significant data. For example, they record the average brain weight of various races of man. The Caucasian stands at the top with an average brain weight of 1,335 grammes, and the Australian aboriginal at the bottom with 1,185 grammes. Next to the Australian aboriginal is the Negro with 1,244 grammes. I am not yet convinced myself that brain weight is a really significant factor in intelligence; but Porteus and Babcock state: “As far as our observa­ tions go, the order of brain weights of these races would be the same order as regards educational and general aptitudes” (p. 146); and they point out that studies made on the brain capacity of the feeble­ minded show that there does exist in general a close connection be­ tween brain size and inelligence. (P. 148.) On page 206, they state: “For such a race as the Negro, it can be accepted without question that there is a greater proportion at any given (social) level of inferior attainments than there is of whites.” After citing various tests, they say on page 207: “These studies show that the Negro actually be­ longs, as far as all-round ability goes, to an inferior race.” They also point out that comparison of the white draftees with the colored as regards performance in the Army tests, showed that the median score of the colored was more than 2 y2 years below the median score of the whites. Admitting the imperfections in any and all tests and testers, there is no escaping the fact that there is a more impressive body of evi­ dence that cries out to us—Stop, Look, and Beware, before encourag­ ing a policy of race amalgamation. Is there any difference between Negro and whites in social be­ havior? Anyone who reads the newspapers regularly is likely to be impressed by the large number of cases in which Negroes are reported as involved in crimes. Is this merely an impression growing out of prejudice, or is it founded on truth ? Let us look at the record. There is a little book called Race and Crime written by W. A. Bonger, eminent criminologist of the Netherlands, and before his recnt deadth, Profes­ sor in the University of Amsterdam. In his book Professor longer gives data taken from the United States criminal statistics regarding relative prevalence of crime among different elements of the popula­ tion. He states: “The criminality among Negroes as shown here (the U. S. Cenus of 1910) is considerably higher than that of the whites.” 11 �“The most recent data on the United States, dealing with the first three quarters of 1938, give, in general, a confirmation of the above. There were arrested, per 100,000 of population over the age of 15: 164 whites born out of the United States, 444 whites born in the United States, and 1,175 Negroes.” That this is not due to Southern prejudice is indicaed by this statement: “In conclusion, it must be remarked that the criminality of Negroes in the northern states is considerably higher than in the southern states, actually three to one.” (P. 44.) Professor Bonger was an eminent exponent of the philosophy that crime is a social and not a biological phenomenon, and his philosophy led him to try to explain away any hereditary significance and to at­ tribute the difference in criminality between races to social and eco­ nomic factors. His facts are more important than his opinions, how­ ever. I believe th at it is certainly true that social and economic factors are important in the genesis of criminality; but the facts that I have pre­ viously referred to relative to concordance in criminal careers among members of pairs of one-egg twins show that the biological basis is not to be disregarded. The historical inferiority of the Negro, so far as civilization and cultural attainments are concerned, is worth recalling, although it is well known. It is true th at the “race-levellers” explain this away on the grounds of unfavorable environment or isolation or lack of oppor­ tunity, just as they attempt to explain away all other evidence that does not support their thesis; but one cannot brush aside the fact that never throughout their history in Africa did the Negroes anywhere, so far as I have been able to learn, develop any state of culture approach­ ing a cilivization; nor has the Liberian experiment shown much ca­ pacity for autonomous civilization; and nowhere throughout the world where there is a high concentration of Negro population, neither in the rural south, nor in the cities of the north, nor in South American countries, nor in the West Indies, nor in the islands of the Pacific, have they as racial groups developed beyond a low state of civilization or shown any capacity or zeal for culture and civilization. It is more than unintelligent; it is hazardous for us to brush aside all of this evi­ dence and yield to the advice of those who would promote policies that would lead to racial amalgamation. There is enough stupidity, indo­ lence, slovenliness and criminality already in the white race without the absorption of 13,000,000 Negroes in whom these qualities appear to be present in still higher degree. Even if we were to discount entirely the evidence indicating racial inferiority of the Negro, evidence for the unwisdom of Negro-white hybridization is still impressive. The late Dr. Charles R. Stockard 12 L �(1941), Professor of Anatomy at Cornell, and one time President of the American Association of Anatomists, carried out extensive obser­ vations on the effects of cross-breeding various types of dogs. In ad­ dition to the caretakers on the dog farm, Dr. Stockard had quite a staff of collaborating scientists to sudy and analyze the data from the standpoint of anatomy, physiology, psychology and endocrinology. In his book reporting results and conclusions, he made a few comments regarding the significance of this study to human problems. He states: “The influence for better or worse of one strange gene in the con­ stitution of higher mammals and of man himself should give a thoughtful person adequate reason for concern regarding racial hybridization. . . (P. 122.) In connection with a discussion of incompatible structural dishar­ monies, he says: “There is little doubt that these disharmonies can be registerd among those ills resulting from type and racial hybridization.” (P. 358.) On page 491 he says th at “None of the results from the Boston terrier-Dachshund cross offer encouragement to the indifferent attitude frequently expressed towards crossing and hybridizing the various human stocks.” On pages 37-38 he says: “Mongrelization among widely different human stocks has very probably caused the degradation and even the elimination of certain human groups; the extinction of several ancient stocks has followed very closely the extensive absorption of alien slaves. If one considers the histories of some of the South European and Asia-Minor countries from a strictly biological and genetic point of view, a very definite correlation between the amalgamation of the whites and the negroid slaves and the loss of intellectual and social power in the population will be found. The so-called dark ages followed a brilliant antiquity just after the completion of such mongrel amalga­ mation. . . .” Since we cannot consider the Negro to be genetically acceptable, what should be our attitude and policy towards him? Although I am firmly convinced that it is of fundamental importance that we shall maintain racial separateness in the social sphere, I believe also that Negroes should be treated with courtesy, consideration and generosity, and I deplore injustice and unkindness. Although we cannot afford to take the chance of having him destroy our race and our civilization, we should allow him every reasonable opportunity to develop his race and his culture. 13 �In the early part of this century we had a great governor in this state, who had, and still has, the reputation of being a statesman with great zeal for the general good. Forty-five years ago th at governor, Charles Brantley Aycock, in an address delivered to North Carolina Negroes at the State Fair, had this to say: “No thoughful, conservative, and upright Southerner has for your race aught but the kindest feelings, and we are willing and anxious to see you grow into the highest citizenship of which you are capable, and we are willing to give our energies and best thought to aid you. . . . But to do this, it is absolutely necessary that each race should-remain distinct and have a society of its own. Inside of your own race, you can grow a§ large and broad and high as God permits, with the aid, the sympathy, and the en­ couragement of your white neighbors. If you can equal the white race in achievement, in scholarship, in literature, in art, in indus­ try, in commerce, you will find no generous-minded white man who will stand in your way; but all of them in the South will in­ sist that you accomplish this high end without social intermin­ gling. This is well for you, and it is well for u s; it is necessary for the peace of our section.” Inherent in that statement is the basis for a race policy that wo protect the integrity of both races, and a more truly Christian policy than one that denies the existence of racial differences. A so-called Christian policy that is based on the assertion of falsehood or a denial of the truth requires re-examination. LITERATURE REFERRED TO IN THIS PAPER Berger. C. A. 1941. of America Press. Bonger, W . A. Boas, Franz. Scientific Aspects of the Race Problem. T he Catholic Univerity 1943. 1940. Race and Crime. Columbia University Press. Race, Language and Culture. George, W . C. 1946. Twinning and Twins. N. C. Medical Journal, April, 1946. (A n extensive literature list is given in this review.) Hrdlicka, Ales. 1941. of America Press. Jennings, H . S. 1941. McCormick, T. C. T . Newman, H. H . Scientific Aspects of the Race Problem. T he Catholic University Ibid. 1945. 1940. T he Negro. In Problems of the Post W ar World. Multiple Hum an Births. Doubleday, Doran and Co. Porteus, S. D. and Marjorie E. Babcock. 1926. Temperatment and Race. Gorham Press. Stockard, C. R. 1941. T he Genetic and Endocrine Basis for Differences in Form and Behavior. Press of the W istar Institute of Anatomy and Biology. Todd, T. W . 1928. The Search for Specific African Bodily Features. Conference of Racial Differences, National Research Council. 14 �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource RG 18: Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Booklet "The Race Problem from the Standpoint of One Who Is Concerned About the Evils of Miscegenation," 1955 Description An account of the resource Booklet entitled "The Race Problem from the Standpoint of One Who Is Concerned About the Evils of Miscegenation," by W. C. George, published February, 1955, by the American States Rights Association. Author promotes segregation as the best way to prevent miscegenation, and attempts to prove the physical, social and biological differences between races order to prove segregation is good and necessary. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1955 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived RG 18, Personal Papers of Barbara Marx Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource W. C. George Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant 1950s Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 18_2_1_17_10