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                    <text>THE UNITED NATIONS
UNESCO

and
AMERICAN SCHOOLS

E d u c a tio n a l j~^olicies Commission

National Education Association of the United States
and the American Association of School Administrators
December 1952

�The Educational Policies Commission
H e n r y H . H i l l , Chairman
W illia m Ja n sf.n , Vice-Chairman

O. C. A d e rh o ld
R a lp h J. B u n c h e
S a r a h C. C a l d w e ll
W illia m G. C a r r
A r t h u r H . C o m p to n
L. D. H askew
E u g e n e H . H e r r in g t o n
G a le n J o n e s

A lic e L a t t a
W o r t h M c C lu re
N. D. McCombs
R a lp h W . M c D o n a ld
V irg il M. R ogers
M a r g a r e t C. S c h o w e n g e rd t
Lee M. T h u r s to n
P e a r l A. W a n a m a k e r

W ilb u r F. M u rra , Acting Secretary

This statement, The United Nations, Unesco, and American Schools, was
proposed by the Educational Policies Commission at its Fortieth Meeting,
October 1-4, 1952. A first draft, circulated to members of the Commis
sion in November, was revised in accordance with members’ suggestions.
Publication was authorized by a vote-by-mail, completed in December
1952.
The recommendations in this publication are those of the Educational
Policies Commission, a commission of the National Education Association
of the United States and the American Association of School Adminis
trators. Publication in this form does not constitute formal approval by the
sponsoring associations.

Copies available f r „ fro m :

National Education Association, 1201 Sixteenth Street, N. W., Washington 6, D. C.

The United Nations, Unesco,
and American Schools

T

O DEFEND freedom, establish justice, and make peace
secure, the American people have twice in this century
spent their blood and treasure in great world conflicts. Hav
ing learned from this experience that repeated victory at arms
is not enough, Americans and their allies came to realize that
they must cooperate to maintain peace. Standing separately,
peace-loving peoples would invite the attacks of aggressors.
Standing together, supporting common cause with combined
strength, they might deter attack. Free nations must be strong
if they are to keep their freedom. Moreover, their strength
must be organized for concerted action.
Representatives of the victorious nations of World War II,
carrying with them the hopes of their two billion people, met
in San Francisco in 1945 to establish an international organiza
tion, the United Nations, "to maintain international peace and
security. . . , to develop friendly relations among nations. . . ,
to achieve international cooperation in solving international
problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian
character . . ., and to be a center for harmonizing the actions
of nations in the attainment of these common ends.’*
How the new organization would operate to serve these
accepted purposes was set forth in a written constitution, the
[1]

�Charter of the United Nations. This document, embodying
agreements reached by representatives of fifty nations, was
laid before the people of those nations. It was widely studied.
In the United States opinion was distinctly favorable.
After extended study, hearings, and debates, official action
on behalf of the United States was taken by the U. S. Senate.
This body, assigned by the U. S. Constitution responsibility
to act on behalf of this nation in ratifying formal agreements
with other nations, voted 89 to 2 in favor of affiliating with
the United Nations.
By joining the United Nations, the American people ex
pressed their faith that such action would add to the strength
and safety of their country. They were heartened by the hope
that the new organization would help "promote social prog
ress and better standards of life in larger freedom,” as prom
ised in the Charter’s preamble, and would promote "inter
national cultural and educational cooperation,” as required by
Article 55. They sought to protect their country and to
further its ideals by cooperation with other nations. They
believed that being a part of the United Nations would add
the strength of other nations to their own in the event of
threatened or actual aggression. True to the ideals of the
Judeo-Christian ethic, which had guided American policy for
more than three centuries, they reached toward the goal of
universal brotherhood.
In the same spirit, motivated by both enlightened selfinterest and benevolence, the people of the United States en
couraged and supported the long established policy of their
government to join with other nations in international agen
cies designed to serve a wide range of human needs. There are
now ten such "specialized agencies” of the United Nations—
all working to aid cooperative efforts among men and women

of many countries toward solving their common problems.1
As each of these specialized agencies came into being, the
United States government was faced with the question: Is it
to the best interest of the American people to join or not to
join this organization?
The question came before the Congress of the United
States in 1946 with respect to the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization. Plans for this organi
zation, now widely known as Unesco, were embodied in
a constitution which declared .that its purposes and func
tions should be, among other things, "to contribute to peace
and security by promoting collaboration among the nations
through education, science and culture” and to "give fresh
impulse to popular education and to the spread of culture by
collaborating with Members, at their request, in the develop
ment of educational activities.” The constitution specified
that "with a view to preserving the independence, integrity
and fruitful diversity of the cultures and educational sys
tems of the States Members of this Organization, the Organi
zation is prohibited from intervening in matters which are
essentially within their domestic jurisdiction.”
Senators and Congressmen studied the proposed constitu
tion and purposes of Unesco, weighed the opinions of citizens,
and considered whether or not the United States should be
come a member of the new organization. A year earlier Con-

[ 2]

[3 ]

1 The ten agencies, with the year in which the United States became a member of each,
are as follows: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (1945),
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (1945), International Civil
Aviation Organization (1946), International Labor Organization (1934), International
Monetary Fund (1945), International Telecommunication Union (1934), United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (1946), Universal Postal Union (1874),
World Health Organization (1948), World Meteorological Organization (1949).
Some of these organizations existed for many years before becoming "specialized
agencies” of the United Nations. The wide variety of functions which they serve is
indicated by their names. The United States, now a member of all ten agencies, participated
in establishing most of them.

�gress had asked that such an organization as Unesco be
established when it voted unanimously for a joint resolution
sponsored by Senator Robert A. Taft, Senator J. William
Fulbright, and Congressman Karl Mundt.
The proposal to make the United States a member of
Unesco was carried by a vote of 264 to 41 in the House of
Representatives and without recorded dissent in the Senate.
The legislation also provided for a broadly representative
National Commission of private citizens and government
officials to help determine U. S. policy toward Unesco.2

I

N THE years that have passed since the United Nations,
Unesco, and other U. N. agencies came into being, the ideal
of harmonious cooperation among nations has been imper
fectly realized. Hopes for peace have been marred by armed
conflicts in the Near East, Southeast Asia, and Korea. Achieve
ments in social and economic cooperation have been limited.
The past seven years’ disappointing record in international
cooperation is attributable in part, perhaps, to the defects
and errors of international organizations. Certainly, mistakes
have been made. Policies have sometimes seemed inconsistent,
action has on occasion been forestalled by considerations of
political expediency, some faulty appointments have been
made to the secretariats of the international agencies, and
opportunities have been missed. Such shortcomings need
not obscure the long-range purposes to which the United
Nations and its specialized agencies are devoted. They should
s Three-fifths of the members of the U. S. National Commission for Unesco are named
by voluntary organizations. Among such groups which have named National Commission
members are: American Society of Newspaper Editors, Chamber of Commerce of the
United States, American Federation of Labor, Congress of Industrial Organizations,
National Council of the Churches of Christ, National Catholic Welfare Conference.
Synagogue Council of America, National Association of Student Councils, National
Education Association, and American Association of School Administrators.

[ 4]

not lead us to destroy the only machinery for world-wide
cooperation that is presently available.
Another factor in the record has been the noncooperative
attitudes and actions of the Communist world. The obstruc
tionist policies of the Soviet Union and its obedient satellites
in the United Nations are well known. It is not so widely
known that the Russians have been bitterly hostile toward
nearly all of the United Nations’ specialized agencies, espe
cially toward Unesco.8 Communists apparently fear that
Unesco’s commitment to human liberty and enlightenment
threatens their own contrary policies of regimentation and
thought control. This consideration doubtless influenced the
action of the Communist-dominated governments of Poland
and Hungary in late 1952 when they resigned membership
in Unesco.

Y

OUNG Americans, as part of their education for citi
zenship, should have opportunities to learn in school
why their country is following a policy of international co
operation, how that policy works, and what it means to have
their country a member of the U. N. and Unesco. Teaching
about such things is an obligation resting upon all public
schools in the United States.
In this country the source of political authority is the
people. To exercise this authority wisely, the people must
know well their nation and the world of which it is a part.
Those who govern America today and those who will
govern it tomorrow need to know about lands and peoples
* The Soviet Union has chosen to maintain membership in only three of the specialized
agencies: the International Telecommunication Union, the Universal Postal Union, and the
World Meteorological Organization.

m

�and events far beyond their national boundaries. Within the
life span of many now living, the American people have been
thrust by circumstances into world leadership. It is a position
they did not seek. This world leadership carries with it respon
sibilities that are as unavoidable as they are unfamiliar. These
responsibilities rest on all citizens, as well as on the officers
of the national government.
American schools, mindful of their duty for training citi
zens to exercise their sovereignty in the most powerful nation
in the world, have sought to meet this need of their students
by teaching them about the Constitution and laws of the
United States and about the treaties and organizations through
which their nation deals with other nations. Young Americans
need also to know the history of mankind’s efforts to attain
peace among nations and the history of the many failures and
the limited successes of such efforts. They need to know how
people in other parts of the world live, what they wish for,
what they believe. They need to know how their own lives
have been made safer and richer by the things that have been
done by men and women in other parts of the world. They
need to know what is happening around the world today.
These things the schools of this nation have taught for many
years. They must continue to teach them if they are to remain
true to their trust.
To encourage the teaching of such matters is one purpose
of Unesco. The establishment of Unesco, however, did not
change the basic character of American teaching about other
nations. It did help to give American teachers and students
access to more information about the rest of the world. And
it has given other nations a better basis for teaching more
fully and accurately about the United States. Such teaching
is in harmony with Unesco’s prime purpose: to enhance the
[«]

world understanding of all peoples. This purpose should not
be confused with the promotion of world government—a
political goal which is supported by some well-known volun
tary organizations, but which, by its own constitution, Unesco
is prohibited from promoting. It is important to understand
the true purposes of Unesco. Failure to do so gives rise to
apprehensions which, no matter how sincere, could lead the
American people to defeat their own interests.

S

OME Americans do not accept the prevailing view that
the United States will be a safer and more prosperous
nation if it cooperates with other nations than if it tries to
stand alone. Some of these citizens have gone so far as to
demand that study of the U. N. and Unesco be deleted from
the school curriculum and that certain books on international
cooperation be withdrawn from school libraries. They would
bar such things as school observance of U. N. Day and highschool clubs devoted to study of world affairs.
It is, of course, to be expected that some citizens will dis
agree with the policies of their government. Full freedom
for expressing such dissent is essential to the democratic proc
ess. To criticize one’s government and the intergovernmental
arrangements to which it is a party is the right of every
citizen in a free society; to criticize constructively when one
sees defects to be remedied is not only a right but also a
patriotic duty.
It is entirely in order for those who disagree with pre
vailing policy to seek to change that policy by appealing to
their representatives in Congress and to their fellow citizens.
However, those who would have the schools suppress the
facts of history as they relate to the U. N. and Unesco or
[7]

�would have the schools teach a particular point of view about
these organizations are in a position that is indefensible in
terms of American principles.
Those citizens who, take this position start from false
premises. They assume that America has no world responsi
bilities and no world-affected interests. They assume that the
minds of men should be manipulated by instruction. They
assume that schools are institutions where ideas are forced
upon students instead of being examined critically. They
assume that the United Nations and Unesco are not signifi
cant aspects of the environment in which children and youth
live. They assume that the violence of their attacks can cow
or mislead others into acquiescence.
The schools of America must not be diverted from their
obligation to help young citizens acquire the knowledge and
skill that they will need in order to use wisely the power that
will increasingly accrue to them. Those who will govern
America tomorrow are in the schoolrooms of America today.
Teachers must continue to serve their country by equipping
with essential knowledge the sovereign citizens they meet in
those schoolrooms.
The people of the United States in the second half of the
twentieth century need extensive aquaintance with other
countries and practical knowledge of the complex inter
relations between this country and the rest of the world.
Many of those relationships fall within the framework of the
international organizations in which the United States main
tains membership. It is highly desirable, therefore, that the
American people learn to understand the United Nations,
Unesco, and other U. N. agencies, their purposes and struc
ture, their strengths and shortcomings, their records and
opportunities.
[

8]

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Arlington, V a .
December 2, 1952
TAX PAYI N G PARENTS:
During the paet twenty years text-books have been written, rewritten
and revised In accordance w i t h the philosophy of the times.
The New Deal
Fair Deal has been Instrumental in this Indoctrination of oreeplng Social
ism and collectivism Into our minds, lives and school text-books.
Many books have been p u r c h a s e d b y school boards strictly on the
authors reputation p r ior to 1930 and are not n o w aware that they propa
gandize collectivism and socialism.
This prop a g a n d a poisons the chllds
fertile m i n d against free enterprise, Individualism and patriotism.
They
teach that the government must own, operate and control everything even
the minds and lives of the citizens.
World citizenship rather than American
citizenship is being promoted b y some so called educational organizations.
We cannot wait for the pendulum of thought to swing baok to pre newdeal democracy.
We now have a twenty year age span of children and count
less adults who believe In government domination and all-out security from
the cradle to the grave.
This country cannot progress under this foreign
socialistic philosophy.
We must develop theists, leaders, statesmen,
scientists, engineers, ohemlste, metallurgists, dootors and teachers to
carry on the great task before us.
This cannot be done under the social
idology of progressive education.
The 3 R's m u s t b e reinstated w hich through
175 years of experience has made America the arsenal of production, the
bulwark of democracy and the haven of free men.
The following are exerts from six text-books now In use In Virginia
schools:
Social Living - by Landis &amp; Landis
Page 168 - "More and more we are looking to the government to provide the
kind of p r otection and services required to guarantee the masses of citizens,
food, shelter, and health, as well as political freed o m . "
Here Is how we are "Served" by a "Strong" government: "Government not only
regulates us, but also serves us.
The things that we pay for with taxes
are prov i d e d by government and usually are p r o v i d e d more cheaply than they
could be by private p e r s o n s . " (p.176)
"In a capitalistic system w e a l t h tends to gravitate Into the hands of large
corporations or of very successful i n d i v iduals." (p.172)
The Building of Our Nation - b y Barker, Commager, Webb
"The Constitution Is all a compromise" (p.72);
"child labor is our most
glaring evil" (p.560);
"immigration tended to l ower the American standard
of living (p.543), but later Immigrants are raising the standard of living."
"Sick benefits, pensions and workmen's compensation cannot be won in indi
vidual Industries" (p.559).
"The Constitution gave the Federal government
general powers." (p.362).
Page 212,215-6 - "The Supreme Court was estab
lished to strengthen the Federal government and nationalism.
Nationalism
Is not patriotism. "

1

�A History of O u r Coun t r y - b y D.

3. Muzzey

P a g e 240 - The m o tto o f the R e p u b l i c la Liberty, Democracy and Union.
The
I n f l u x of Immi g r a n t s then b r o u g h t about the rise o f the common man. "Many
s l a n t e d p h r a s e s are used thr o u g h o u t this book suoh as "Aristocratic p r e
tensions"
"The laboring classes In Industrial cent e r s "
"The rise of the
common man"
"The rule of the people. "
Y o u r L i f e In A Demo c r a c y - Revised.

- b y H o w a r d E. Brown

"Much of the c r edit for p r o t e c t i n g us so well f r o m contageon belo n g s to the
Federal government".
The Federal g o v ernment con t r i b u t e s money for State
a n d local services.
O n l y the citi z e n s c o n tribute to the cost of government.
"After m a n h a d l e a r n e d to l i v e In communities he f ound cooperation o n a
wide n i n g scale c ould be c a r r i e d o u t only b y i n t r o d u c i n g more and more
g o v e r n m e n t Into his social system. "
Modern Economics

(Revised Edition) - b y James F.

Corbett &amp; M i n n a Colvin

P a g e 567 - "The following p a g e s o u t l i n e a p r o g r a m for economic p l a n n i n g in
America."
"The entire plan is b a s e d upon the a s s umption that the b asio
p r i n c i p l e s of demo c r a c y and c a p i t a l i s m will b e r e t a i n e d . " "The student is
enc o u r a g e d to reject, m o d i f y o r supplement any of the suggestions."
"Approx
Imate estimates p r e p a r e d b y the Federal Trade C o m m i s s i o n tend to show that
1 per cent of the p e ople own 59 p e r cent of the w e a l t h or prop e r t y of the
country." (p.401).
Ameri c a n G o vernment - by Frank Abbott Magr u d e r
"Suffrage and pers o n a l l i b e r t y are I n c o n sistent i n a democracy." (p.643).
The a u thor repl a c e s old p e r s o n a l l iberties w i t h n e w civil liberties, (p.644)
The o l d l i b e r t i e s encourage ignorance, disease, c r i m e and p olitical d i s
honesty.
The remedy Is compulsion.
The Russian v e t o Is m e r e l y R u s s i a ' s "safeguard f o r her m i n o r i t y views on
b asic matters c o n cerning w h i c h the democratic n a t i o n s w ould o v e r w h e l m i n g l y
outv o t e her." (p.714).
All p e r s o n s or o r g a n i z a t i o n s interested in abolishing subversion
from our schools p l e a s e w r ite a n d h a v e others w r i t e me so we can petition
o u r State R e p r e s e n t a t i v e s to take appropriate action.
Y o u r s sincerely,

B. M. M I L L E R
Address r e p l y to:
M i l l e r Weld i n g Supply Company
1109 J e f f e r s o n Davis H w y . ,
Arli n g t o n 2, Virg i n i a

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February 4? 1953
AMERICAN ASSOCIATION OF UNIVERSIT1 WOMEN
'
Arlington Branch
Education Study Group Report
Within the past few months there has been an increasing number of statements
expressing doubt as to some of the material found in the Arlington textbooks« With
one exception, these charges have been vague and general in character. The six
textbooks under attack (Social Living, Landis &amp; Landis 5 Your Life in a Democracy,
Revised, Brown; A History of Our Country, Muzzey; American Government, Magruder;
Building of Our Nation, Barker, Commager &amp; Webb; Modern Economics, Corbett &amp;
Colvin) are said to be "socialistic” or "communistic" or "collectivisitic" or
"slanted" toward one or all of these undesirable things.
During the first week in December a letter was printed in the Arlington
D a i l y Sun signed by one B. M. Miller listing for the first and only time

specific quotations which "prove" that these six textbooks are "slanted toward
socialism and collectivism". The sub-committee has examined each of these
references and a detailed report is attached.
In no case have we attempted to evaluate the total book. We have simply
endeavored to ’
check the only publicized specific references anyone in Arlington
has made to undesirable material in our school books.
In most cases we have done that. Where page numbers are erroneous or non
existent, we managed to track down most of the quotations through the index, and
by reading those sections of the book which might contain, in the minds of some,
objectionable material.
Of the eighteen direct quotations offered by Mr. Miller as "proof" of this
alien .slant, only five* were found to be accurate in the sense that the actual
words were actually found in the textbook, and that the meaning of the sentence
was not changed by the surrounding material. In the opinion of the sub-committee,
none of these five quotations prove much of anything unless it is that the world
has changed in the past twenty five years.
The other quotations which we managed to locate were falsifications and
distortions. Either qualifying material given with the sentence was omitted
in order to present a false impression, or the sentence itself was perverted,
twisted and mutilated to give a meaning never intended by the author.
It is the opinion of the sub-committee that Mr. Miller’s charges to date
have no basis and deserve no further consideration.

*In the detailed report, these quotations are indicated by an asterisk in the
margin.

(over)

�BITILBIWG OF OUR_NATION - Barker, Commager &amp; Webb
1950 edition
This is the only edition of this book ever used in the Arlington schools.
* MILLER QUOTES;

"The Constitution is all a compromise." (p. 72)

THE BOOK SAYS? There is no such reference on page 72. On page 80, the
sentence is found, very nearly as Mr. Miller quotes it.
MILLER QUOTES8 "The Constitution gave the Federal government general
.
powers." Ip. 362)
THE BOOK. SAYS g Mo statement resembling this was found in the book. All
chapters dealing with the Constitution and Federal powers were read. All
indexed references were carefully checked.
MILLER QUOTES;: Page 212, 215-16, "The Supreme Court was established to
strengthen the Federal government and nationalism. Nationalism is not
patriotism."
THE BOOK SAYS; No such statements
page 99 there are these sentences;
describe the growth of the feeling
•nationalism1 means pride in one’s
defend it. It is another word for

were found on the pages given. On
"The purpose of this chapter is to
of union and nationalism. The word
nation and willingness to serve and
patriotism."

On page.101, there is a section entitled "The Courts Strengthen
Onion and the Constitution". There is a discussion of the effect
of 1 hn Marshall as Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and these
sentences are found, "Marshall was a Federalist and believed in a strong
national government. He carried his beliefs with him to the Supreme
Court and decided many of the oases that came before the Court in such
a way as to strengthen the power of the national government."
MILLER QUOTES;

"child labor is our most glaring evil (p. 560)"

THE BOOK SAYS; There is no page 560 in the book, the last page of which
fe .lumbered 368. On page 254- is a section entitled "Protection for
Children." It begins as follows: "Perhaps the most glaring evil in our
industrial system was child labor. All through the nineteenth century
industry and business following the practice of hiring children, because
it was thought that this wan cheaper than hiring grownups." The section
goes on to give a brief resume* of the history of the struggle to eliminate
child labor and ends with the conclusion that because of the state laws
that have been passed a Constitutional amendment is probably not necessary.
It is quite clear that the sentence misquoted by Mr. Miller deals with
conditions as they existed in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
MILLER QUOTES; "immigration tended to lower the American standard of
living (p. 543), but later immigrants are raising the standard of living."
THE BOOK SAYS; There is no page 543. On page 251 are these sentences;
"The fourth factor which influenced labor in the modern period was largescale immigration. We shall study in Chapter XIX the history of immigra
tion to the United States. It is sufficient here to notice that the coming
of millions of immigrants caused a lowering of the standards of labor."
-

2-

�No sentence was located, which even by distortion could be made to fit the
second half of Mr. Miller's "quotation."
MILLER QUOTESg "Sick benefits, pensions and workmen's compensation cannot
be won In individual i n d u s t r i e s ( p . 559)
THE BOOK SAYSs There is no page 559« On page 253 &gt; in a Chapter on "The
Growth of Labor Problems", these sentences are founds "The strike is a
strong weapon in a conflict between the laborers and the employers in a
single industryo But it is not a suitable way of dealing with broad ques
tions that concern workers in all industry• It is not a successful way of
dealing with such questions as child labor, workmen's compensation, un
employment, sick benefits, and old-age retirement pensions. Reforms in
these matters cannot be won in individual industries, but must apply to the
whole industrial system and must be enforced by law."
v . g This book is exhaustively indexed which was fortunate since all
iT
■ Mr. M5.11er‘s page references were wrong. The chapters dealing with the
:
&gt;
formation of our government, the writing of our Constitution, and the early
years of our present form of government were carefully read. There were
over twenty references to the Constitution listed in the index. These were
checked. None of these were subversive, socialistic, collectivistic, dis
respectful or offensive in any way.
In a similar manner, the chapters and references on labor and immigration
were checked.
Two of Mr. Miller's references could not be found at all.
Four of Mr. Miller's references were falsifications cf what appeared in the
text. Whether the distortions were deliberate or a result of hasty and uncomprehensive reading is not clear.
One of Mr. Miller's references was

correct.

SOCIAL LIVING - Landis &amp; Landis, 194-9 edition
*

*

*

MILLER QUOTES g Page 168, "More and more we are looking to the government to
provide the kind of protection and services required to guarantee the masses
of citizens food, shelter, and health, as well as political"freedom? Here
is how we are "served" by a "strong" government?
"Government not only regu
lates us, but also-serves us. The things that we pay for with taxes are
provided by government and usually are provided more cheaply than they could
be by private persons." (p. 176) "In a capitalistic system wealth tends to
gravitate into the hands of large corporations or of very successful in
dividuals." (p. 172)
THE BOOK SAYS? All three of these sentences are to be found in a chapter
dealing with the growth of governmental functions, both state and national,
over the past twenty years. The social laws which have been enacted during
that period are discussed. The thinking which led to increased government
service is pointed out. The fact that this trend is regarded by some people
as socialistic or communistic is also pointed out. There is a section en
titled "Too Much Government Service Creates Problems." (p. 174)
(over)
-3-

�CQMjffiMTSs This hook is used in "Problems of Democracy," a state required
twelfth grade course. No such course could omit the changes which have
taken place during the past twenty years. The statements chosen oy Mr.
Miller from the book are displeasing to some persons but generally regarded
as factual when read in complete context. Our Schools cannot and should
not be expected to teach our students that the laws of the land, now on the
statute books, are "socialistic" or "communistic" or "Unamerican" when, in
fact, they are completely "American," stemming as they do from the actions
of our Congress, duely elected by the people of the various states. Since
the social changes and reforms of the past twenty years were enacted by the
Congress, it seems that the remedy for them, if they require remedy, is to
be found in the same place, and not in the school textbooks.

MODERN ECONOMICS - Corbett &amp; Colvin
MILLER QUOTESs Page 557, "The following pages outline a program for economic
planning in America." "The entire plan is based upon the assumption that
the basic principles of democracy and capitalism will be retained." "(The
student is encouraged to reject, modify or supplement any of the suggestions."
THE BOOK SAYSi "The following pages outline a program for economic planning
in America. The suggestions offered represent the ideas and plans of a number
of progressive historians and economists. The student who is interested in
the sources of these suggestions will find a list of books at the end of the
unit.
"The entire plan is based upon the assumption that the basic principles
of democracy and capitalism will be retained. Each part of the program
suggests an evolution of existing institutions within the legal framework
of our Constitution. These suggestions are, of course, not final solutions.
In the past, our economic and political problems have been solved by
compromises which considered the conflicting and diverse views and interests
of many thinking Americans. The program which follows should be subjected
to careful analysis and criticism by the teacher and the class. Our demo
cratic traditions provide for honest differences of opinion. The student
is encouraged to reject, modify, or supplement any of the suggestions. We
hope that a study of the program will provide many a lively hour of discussion
and debate."
*

MILLER QUOTES8 "Approximate estimates prepared by the Federal Trade Commission
tend to show that one perdent of the people own 59 percent of the wealth or
property of the country." (p. 4-01)
THE HOOK SAYS8

Mr. Miller1s reference is entirely accurate.

COMMENTS g This is a technical economics text and would require careful reading
% a qualified economist before a valid judgment could be made on it. There
are only 18 copies of this book in the school system. It is regarded as much
too difficult for the average high school student and is used only as supple
mentary material for the student who has a special interest in the field.

I

-4-

�4

AMERICAN GOVERfWENT - 1950

Magruder

MILLER QUOTES; "Suffrage and personal liberty are inconsistent in a
democracy." (p. 643) The author replaces old personal liberties with new
civil liberties, (p. 644)* The old liberties encourage ignorance, disease,
crime and political dishonesty. The remedy is compulsion.
THE BOOK SAYSi "the welfare and the prosperity of the community are of
sufficient importance for each individual to be willing to surrender somewhat
of his liberty, somewhat of his independence, to secure the desired end.
"Suffrage and personal liberty are inconsistent in a successful democracy.
If a majority of votes can compel those who are industrious and frugal to
contribute to free schools, free libraries, free hospitals, free orphanages,
widows.* pensions, and old-age pensions for the poor, should not a majority
have a right to compel children to attend school, to forbid reckless driving,
a. •' to forbid, the sale of intoxicating liquors and narcotics which tend to
bring on accidents, orphans, incapacity and poverty?
"As individuals we have no right to impose restrictions on others, but
in a democratic society where ta^ces are paid for the benefit of all, is it
not reasonable to require all to conform to conduct which will contribute to
the general welfare?"
Following this discussion, there is a table indicating that certain
"Old Personal Liberties", such as not going to school, selling milk from
tubercular cows, speeding, buying narcotics, owning a slave, etc., have
been replaced through laws and regulations, by what Magruder terms "New
Civil Liberties" - the greater good for the greater number.
MILLER QUOTES; The Russian veto is merely Russia*s "safeguard for her
minority views on basic matters concerning which the democratic nations
would overwhelmingly outvote her." (p. 714)
THE BOOK SAYS; There is no such statement on page 714« On page 712 there
is a section entitled "The United Nations Operates Under the Handicap of
the Veto." These short paragraphs are founds
"When the United Nations Charter was written in 1945, our1 Govern
ment insisted on the veto. At the San Francisco Conference it proposed
the present wording of the veto provision to the Soviet Government as a
means of securing adherence by that country to the United Nations Charter and as a means of assuring ratification by the United States Senate.
"Russia sees the veto as her most valuable safeguard for her
minority views on basic matters concerning which the democratic nations
would overwhelmingly outvote her. During the first two years the Soviet
Government used the veto in the Security Council 21 times."
These paragraphs are illustrated with a New York Times cartoon en
titled "The Road Block" showing the veto blocking the World’s road to peace.

(over)
-5-

�COMMENTSg M r 0 Miller’s first set of quotes are sentences and words wrenched
out of context and twisted to mean something not intended by the author* Mr.
Magruder’s writing through this section is not clear but a reasonably attentive
reader of the text will conclude that he is restating, but not very well, one
of our basic concepts5 that each must sacrifice something as a price for peace
ful community living,,
Mr. Miller’s second quote is a sentence which, taken by itself carries
a "poor abused Russia" feelingo Placed in its proper position with the
sentences before and after it, it does nothing of the sort*

YOUR LIFE IN A DEMOCRACY - Revised

Brown

MILLER QUOTES? "Much of the credit for protecting us so well from contagion
belongs to the Federal government„" no page number given*
THE BOOK SAYSg Page 154, "Much of the credit for protecting us so well from
contagion belongs to the federal government, for its careful work in examining
immigrants, thus halting the dreaded bubonic plague and equally dreaded cholera
on our doorstep*"
MILLER QUOTESg "Most of the grumbling (over taxes) is not meant too seriously,..*
Most citizens realize that they get far more for their money when it is combined
with that of other citizens and spent to advance the general welfare than
they'could possibly get from spending it as individuals*" no page number given*
THE BOOK SAYSg Page 151» "If you have never heard your parents complain
about taxes they had to pay, you belong to an unusual family* Few people
enjoy paying taxes, though most of the grumbling is not meant too seriously^
it is more or less an American custom. Most citizens realize that they get
far more for their money when it is combined with that of other citizens and
spent to advance the general w elfare than they could possibly get from spending
it as individuals."
MILLER SAYSg The Federal government contributes money for State and local
services* Only the citizens contribute to the cost of government* "After
man had learned to live in communities he found cooperation on a widening
scale could be carried out only by introducing more and more government into
his social system." No page numbers given*
THE BOOK SAYSs Two of Mr* Miller’s statements are not direct quotes and no
page numbers are given* The second sentence "Only the citizens contribute to
the cost of government." appears to be completely meaningless. The sections
of the book dealing with topics under which such ideas might be found were
read and found to be innocuous, though dull.
COMMENT8 In spite of no page numbers being given, both of Mr* Miller’s directquotations were located* They were not the complete sentences in either case*
We are somewhat at a loss to determine what alien ideas are advanced even
in the aborted sentences quoted by Mr* Miller*

-6-

�A HISTORY OF OUR COUNTRY - Muzzey
MILLER QUOTE; Page 24-0 "The motto of the Republic is iberty, Democracy and
Union. The influx of immigrants then brought about the rise of the common man.
Many slanted phrases are used throughout this book such as "Aristocratic pre
tensions" "The laboring classes in industrial centers" "The rise of the common
man" "The rule of the people."
THE BOOK SAYSg
statements.

There is nothing on page 24-0 resembling any of Mr. Miller's

COMMENTSg This book Is 910 pages of fairly fine print. We did not read it all.
However, the chapter entitled "The Jacksonian Era" beginning on page 288 contains
most of the phrases objected to by Mr. Miller.
They appear in the text in the
form of quotes taken from the speeches and campaign literature of the time.

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                    <text>"Congressional Investigators, Communism and Ci.ristis.ns"

Today I ask you to give your attention, as Christians, to the current issues of con
gressional investigators, and the Communists. Many headlines tell us of church and
churchmen's pronouncements on the subject. X am convinced that our national fuzzi
ness about religion in general has made many churchmen and church groups fuzzy about
this subject in particular. So, come, let's dive in. Everyone's doing it. Every
one ought to, in fact.
We might as well begin with Senator McCarthy instead of leading up slowly or hiding
behind abstractions. What about the Junior Senator from Wisconsin? More particu
larly, and far more important, what about his support for his work? You know how peopl
feel about him. Some are for him and his work. Among these are real reactionaries,
and super patriots. But also among those who are for him, are persons who believe
that Communism has been criminally underrated. Sen. McCarthy has a lare consent - if
not public approval - among some very thoughtful people. Some are against him and
his work. The great, liberal wing of the USA sees in his general outlook and inves
tigative techniques a terrible peril, even the worst peril of the hour.
My first point is to suggest that there is serious thought, by people who are not
fools, on both sides. If the pro arid anti camps would realize how sober some of
their opponents' judgments are, controversy might become more than utter disgust met
by insult.
My second suggestion is this! the real issue of the day is not McCarthyism and its
techniques. If we could ever set McCarthyism in the right context, find the problem
for which it is a surface symptom, we'd be a long way to a new national maturity.
In other words, if we could only see the religious issues surrounding the contro
versy - beneath the civil rights, or political line-up, or questions of medals and
opportunism - we'd be seeing the total problem in its widest reaches and depths. You
want to shoot where the enemy is - not at decoys, or nuisances.
My third point is this: the best way to get into the religious under-problem is to
look at the devil McCarthy claims he's after - Communism. In your attitude toward
Sen. McCarthy and his movement, so much depends on how you evaluate the thing he
claims to attack. What would you answer if you had only a couple of sentences to
sum up what Communism is? What is the essential nature of Communism? Well it is an economic theory;
it is a philosophy of history and the nature of man and society}
it is an international revolutionary movement;
it is a screen for Russian imperialism;
it is a rallying point for the dispossessed and the frustrated
and the panic-stricken and the power hungry.
All these, yes. Granted it is partly these, each one, and merits study and decision
on each point. But, in its entirety, understood in the large, Communism is much more
than these or their sum.
Basically, Communism is a universal religion. It is a universal religion with all
the claims and powers and fanaticism of a universal religion. (And here, I must add,
for Christian balance, that introvert, fanatical Fascisms too can turn religious and
wreck us and the world we Christians should want. The everlasting enemy is fanatical
idolatries of any kind. Communism happens to be the worst religious idolatry around
right now.)

�How can we Christians get the American people to understand what we mean by "religion"
We mean the aims and fears and loves that most profoundly move individuals and groups.
But most Americans can't think of religion except as a dipaFoment~oi preferences, of
interest to some but not essential for anyone. Do you understand this volcano called
religion. Brethren? I wonder. Do you understand, ibr instance, the religious wars
of history, as religious? Or can you only recall what in all likelihood you were
taught in school or college, that all religious wars are really just political, or
economic? If you still think that is true, you will never, never understand Communist
Of course, -there are all kinds of political and economic ana cultural angles to any
chunk of history, but if you can understand the demonic power unleashed in a holy war,
then and then only can you understand the full power of Communism. And if you cannot,
you will always he duped by Communism, one way or another. You can scoff at its
philosophy, disagree with its economic theory, brand it as imperialism, claim it can
not take root amid plenty, or that enough counter-gangsterism will stop it cold - all
perhaps with some truth. But, if you don't understand Communism as a universal re
ligion, jin'll be a dupe, a sucker for it, one way or another, no matter how "antiCommunist" you can claim to be. Communism is a universal, demonxc', anti-CErishian
religion that has been gulped into the faith-vacuum of the Twentieth Century world.
Right now it is "possessing," making absolute fanatics out of those who control one
third of the earth. If we do not understand this we are dupes. And if we do not see
also what follows we are fools:
The only power that can whip a religion is another religion. The only power that can
conquer a belief-possession is a more powerful belief-possession. The only force
that can force out a fanatically-held world-view is another world-view capable of at
least equal fanatical support. You cannot conquer a religiously-possessed movement
just by information, napalm bombs, clearer ideas, clever diplomacy or organized com
mon sense - though you may use all these. Religious possession is all that can con
quer religious possession.
That, Brethren, I submit to you is the framework, the 'back-ground' for the present
crisis. I believe no Christian should think of so-called "KcCarthyism" without having
this always in mind.
Turn, now, and look at the American scene. Once this religious depth is sensed, take
a look at what purports to oppose Communism over here. Y f o are the anti-Communists
ih
in the DSA?
(1) First, there's reactionary, anti-Communism.
Its symbol is Senator McCarthy. But
go on to ask the basic question: what is the religious drive underneath? (If you
agree with me, this is the most essential question to ask about "McCarthyism.") It's
a combination of isolationist nationalism, super Americanism, militaristic "BastionUSA" faith. It's a nationalistic faith. Now, remember, nationalism is a religious
power. It is a power that can have deep affinities with religious fanaticism.
Nationalism can become a counter-religion when it is threatened or soared - and the
last few centuries certainly give plenty of proof for that. The power that underlies
this frenzied investigative movement may be good or bad as you will, but it's a pos
sessing faith that can make men fanatics. At least - you might say - it is a warrior
going out to meet another warrior, and not a little hoy with a spelling prize and a
Yo-Yo and earnest, honest intentions. Suspend your like or dislike, for the moment;
- at least what Messrs. McCarthy, Velde, Jenner represent has all the hot-passionpower in its resources that characterizes missionary religion.
(2) Yfhat else opposes Communism in the USA? There's the Roman Church and the Funda
mentalist Protestants. What are their symbols? The Fortress Church and the Infal
lible Eook. But go on to ask the basic question: what is the religious drive undernaath? Simple: fundamentally both are the same - an absolute conviction float there
iSTan owner of the universe and world history, and that that Lord has selected a
believing people to proclaim His infallible commands. These kinds of religious folk

�sense the counter-threat, they feel the religious depths of Communism. Their two
ways of fighting are not alike, of course; but they do basically agree that we face
Armageddon, the final war, with the last issues clearly drawn. They sense the demonidepths of the attack. Any they, too, have the capacities for fanatical counter--*
attack. They, too, can become religiously "seized," "possessed," in their resistance
Very much of the support for Senator McCarthy, or the apathy toward resisting him,
comes from these. Many of them clearly see that one kind of freedom is being threate:
by "MoCarthyism's" techniques, but they also know that the Communists wreck all free
dom 100$.
(3) And -what else opposes Communism? The latter-day liberals. What is their symbol?
Probably Adlai Stevenson. But ask the basic question again: what is the religious
drive underneath the modern liberal? Yes, just what is it? Is there any at all?
And here I believe is the give-away. Only ideals, - fine ideals, good ideals, noble
ideals, but only ideals. Am I cheapening the case for the typical modern liberal
when I say that he is motivated by just two things:
1. idealism about how fine world brotherhood would be, and
2. a one-sided preoccupation with the ideal of personal freedom?
Who would really criticize these ideas? Aren't they fine, and needed? Shouldn't we
all be haunted by them and kept at work to realize them? Probably so. But what mate!,
are ideals for men and movements possessed by demons at the religious depths?
For instance, there just is no religious depth to the fight for mere freedom.
The religious depths lie beneath just freedom. W hat is freedom for? That
is the religious dimension behind the freedom issue. Freedom for what, to
do what, to be That, to achieve what, to go where? Only a cause beneath
freedom can sustain freedom. "Freedom to be what you choose" is the motto
of group-destroying individualism. It has no lasting militant group appeal
whatsoever, no power of group-possession of itself at all. Just a "free"
America has no survival power. Communism, any militant, religious movement,
thrives on the freedom, just the freedom, of its enemies t To fight just for
freedom is like fighting a sea battle in a leaking ship with no rudder or power.
As for the typical liberals' great ideal of brotherhood, this should be said
(and would that Christians would see its): there's a world of difference in
thinking all men are already brothers, needing only to be told they are, and
properly organized; and in seeing men as fratricidal creatures who need to
be captured by a religious faith in order to become brothers. One is human
istic idealism; the other is Christian realism. One has only a pious, glowing
hope behind it; the other has all the drive and zeal of a total religious
possession and commitment. Which would you say can justly assess and then
go about licking a fanatical religious enemy?
That, as I see it, is the anti-Comraunist picture in our land - oversimplified but,
I think, true enough.
Mow, it happens, Brethren, that we are in an age of religious wars. The fact is that
a great section of our nation is trying to fight a militant, this-worldly, universal
religion with ideals I And there are many determined men who sense this futile, un
equal fight. They are not all openly in the "McCartbyism" camp, but they often look
like allies of "McCarthyism" because they, too, profoundly distrust the liberal in
tellectuals and all mere good-will groups. Many of them are very much afraid of
losing some basic American civil liberties - but they are more afraid of losing the
whole nation to total tyranny where you can't even hope for any liberty. They refuse
to let idealists (what "Time" magazine recently called "gnostics") run the battle.
These men fiercely, and b y many methods, lash out to expose the weakness of just

�idealism in this battle age. The methods they use - or condone - are like the
methods of total war - and are distasteful, as total war is, especially to those
who believe life can be warless.
(I must say here that I personally think congres
sional investigators should be rigorously limited.) Sut, for the sake of the whole
heritage of the Christian civilizations, don't lose sight of the basic problem and
peril just because religious warfare is very nasty.
X.

The problem for America is:
in this religious war?

will she wake up and realistically take her part

II. The peril is, that in choosing her weapons, she may either pick idealism, which
is helpless, - or, the wrong religion.
In the face of this problem and this peril, I suggest with the sincerest hope I know,
that we do have reserves of religious power that might guide our nation. There is
a religious power that might steer us firmly, patiently through this era of religious
wars, where, for the first time in human history, no war can be really won by anyone.
It is what you might call "Central" Christianity - neither Homan, nor Fundamentalist,
nor any watered-down, Unitarian compromise. X mean the kind of Christianity that we
here can represent if we will be about our real business; the kind other, non-Roman,
non-Fundamentalist types can represent, too.
"Central" Christianity might give to Reaction what it needs: allow reactionaries
the exercise of full religious passion and commitment, but also guide them away
from just utter retreat; support conservatives in their struggle to preserve the
heritage, without letting them turn us into a nation of monuments, anqiquarians
and calcified conformity.
"Central" Christianity might give to Romans and Fundamentalism what they need;
build on their holy war impulses, but soften Roman Catholicism with some humility
about its being an infallible fortress, and awaken Fundamentalism to some rele
vant contact to modern situations (read the headlines and not just read and spout
the Bible, so to speak).
"Central" Christianity might give to Liberalism what it must have to get depthpassion enough to meet its religious enemies. It can give liberalism the beliefpossession that only comes from a total religious faith, - anchoring its floating
idealism in a religiously-believed doctrine of man and history, and motivate its
man-centered sentimentality with the love of Christ our God
Conservatives with vision; authoritarian Churches with humility and relevance;
the liberals with good religious passion - do you think, Brethren, that such a
combination in our land can stand up to any Anti-Christ, and deal well with him?
I do. And pray God it may be so.
15 March 1 9 5 3
St. Mary's Church, Arlington Parish, Va.
The Rev. G. F. Tittmann, Rector
P.S. from the Preacher for the printed version:
NO sermon that says something clearly can also say everything that should
be said. Nothing in this sermon is intended to condone the methods of
religious fanatics, encourage Christians to make easy alliance with all
"anti Communists," libel other Churches, or suggest some American fascism
might not be a greater domestic danger than Communism. This purports to
be an analysis of the religious dimension of the current situation. For
further and full enlightenment, come to St. Mary's next Sunday'.

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                    <text>The Listening Post
Column Editor: C. G len Hass
C o n trib u to r: Ernest O . M elby

What Is Behind the Attacks on Education?

VICIOUS attacks on education are now
an old story to all of us. The pattern
of the attacks is quite the same in all
sections of the country. The argu
ments and charges made are now be
coming threadbare with repetition.
They have been answered time and
again by those in daily contact with
our educational system. Parents who
frequently visit schools and members
of parent-teacher associations who are
familiar with the work of our schools
know that the charges are false and
that they are, in many instances, ex
amples of the “big lie” technique.
Most of us, however, have been so
busy meeting the attacks that we have
not had time to examine the philo
sophical structure out of which they
come. In this column, we shall call
attention to three striking character
istics of these vicious criticisms.
A n ti-in te lle c tu a lism

In many cases the vicious charges
against education are prime examples
of anti-intellectualism. Quite often the
article or speech attacking education
will begin by misstating the philosophy
of John Dewey or William Heard Kil
patrick or perhaps with a distortion of
the philosophy of progressive or mod
ern education. Thus John Dewey is
said to advocate a thought control pat
tern of education; Kilpatrick is charged
with advocating socialistic or “pink”
education and some curious process is
utilized to show a supposed connection
between communism and progressive
education. Any careful thinker who
would read the contributions of
Ap r

il

Dewey and Kilpatrick or the basic lit
erature regarding progressive education
would, of course, instantly conclude
that the critic in question has com
pletely distorted the meaning of what
these men have written and the under
lying philosophy of progressive educa
tion. This process of distortion is no
accident or result of mere ignorance
on the part of the writer. It is a studied
process designed to attack the whole
method of intelligence as it applies to
education, and the solution of prob
lems in our society. It is based upon
the theory that an oft-repeated gross
misstatement will be accepted by a large
number of innocent people. Many
people hearing these comments so fre
quently believe that since they are
stated so often and not immediately
repudiated they must be so.
Freedom depends on the method of
intelligence. Public schools have been
established and an educational system
developed in order that our people
might know how to seek the truth. The
scientific method, the method of intel
ligence, has been and is our accepted
process for seeking the truth. Antiintellectualism thus attacks the very
foundations of freedom. Those who
employ it know exactly what they are
doing. They are seeking to destroy the
democratic process. And they know that
an attack upon the public school sys
tem is an attack upon one of freedom’s
most vital foundations. It is important
in dealing with these attacks to help
our people understand that it is not
only education that is being attacked
but our free society itself.

1953

451
R e p r in te d fr o m

Ed u c a t

io n a l

Lea d er

s h ip V o l. X , No. 7

�Iso la tio n ism
A second chara cte ristic o f m any o f
the attacks is th e ir fu n d a m e n ta l isola
tio n is t character. Q u ite o fte n there is
severe resistance to teaching a b o u t
U n esc o
or
th e
U n ite d
N a tions.
U n e s c o m ay be charged w ith being
u n d e r C o m m u n is t in flu e n ce and the
U n ite d N a tio n s m ay be accused o f ad
vo ca tin g w o rld g o ve rn m e n t a n d sacri
fic in g the sovereignty o f the U n ite d
States. These attacks u p o n th e study
o f in te rn a tio n a l u n d e rs ta n d in g in o u r
schools are, o f course, a p a rt o f a la rg e r
a tta c k n o w be in g m ade u p o n the U n it
ed N a tio n s a n d U n e s c o th ro u g h o u t
the le n g th and b re a d th o f the c o u n try.
Such attacks c e rta in ly are an anach
r o n is tic c h aracteristic o f present day
A m erica.
W e have elected a new p re sid e n t w h o
has expressed u n e q u iv o c a l s u p p o rt o f
the U n ite d N a tio n s and a clear com
m itm e n t to the assum ption o f f u ll re
s p o n s ib ility by the U n ite d States in
w o rld affairs. O u r new p resid ent has
nam ed as secretary o f state an o u ts ta n d
in g advocate o f A m erica's in te rn a tio n a l
re s p o n s ib ility . H e has nam ed as a re p
resentative to the U n ite d N a tio n s a
U n ite d States Senator whose t h in k in g
is in in te rn a tio n a l d irectio ns. I n the
p e rio d since the w a r we have expended
b illio n s o f d o lla rs in fo re ig n a id and
otherw ise in m e e tin g o u r in te rn a tio n a l
re sp o n sib ilitie s . T h e U n ite d N a tio n s
is lo cate d in th e U n ite d States—in N e w
Y o rk C ity . I t is fin a n c ia lly and m o ra lly
s u p p o rte d b y o u r gove rnm ent. As a
people we have p u t m u ch o f o u r fa ith
in peace and security, on the effective
fu n c tio n in g o f the U n ite d N a tio n s . I t
w o u ld seem th a t the A m e rica n educa
tio n a l system co u ld do lit t le else b u t
s u p p o rt A m e ric a n efforts in these d ire c
tions as i t is ge n e ra lly assumed i t w ill
s u p p o rt o th e r aspects o f A m e ric a n gov
e rn m e n t and A m e rica n p o lic y .
Yet

452

schools are attacke d fo r te aching a b o u t
the U n ite d N a tio n s and fo r p a rtic ip a
tin g in the a c tiv itie s o f U n e s c o . H e re
again we have an exam ple o f the ir r e
sponsible character o f m any o f the c u r
re n t attacks u p o n edu cation. I n this
instance as in m any others the design
o f the atta c k is to weaken the fo u n d a
tions o f o u r free society.

C haracter A ssassin ation
A t h ir d c h aracteristic o f the attacks
is the repeated use o f the te c h n iq u e o f
character assassination.
I n a nearby
c o m m u n ity a new atta c k has b roken
o u t against one o f o u r o u ts ta n d in g
school systems. I n th is instance tw o
local organizations have jo in e d hands
in ch a rg in g th a t a b o u t a dozen o f the
teachers in the school system are C o m
m unists o r fellow -travelers. I f an in
vestiga tion were made, I am sure it
w o u ld show th a t none o f these teachers
is even re m o te ly connected w ith C o m
m unism , th a t a ll o f them hate every
fo rm o f to ta lita ria n is m , and th a t a ll o f
them are d o in g e ve ry th in g they can
every day to prepare citizens w h o w ill
be effective in m a in ta in in g a free so
ciety.
T h e q ue stion m ay w e ll be asked—if
th is is the case, w h y are the charges
made? I ve n tu re to say th a t a t some
tim e o r o th e r the teachers in que stion
have s u pp orted p u b lic hou sing, equal
rig h ts fo r Negroes, federal a id to edu
cation , s u p p o rt o f the U n ite d N a tions,
and perhaps expressed themselves fa
v o ra b ly co n c e rn in g the T V A . Few o f
us can believe th a t the m o v in g s p irits
in the c u rre n t attacks on edu cation
seriously believe th a t they w i ll locate
any considerable n u m b e r o f C o m m u
nists in the A m e ric a n school system.
T h e y are re a lly n o t a fte r C o m m unists
b u t a fte r people w ho, th ro u g h the years,
have s u p p o rte d the A m e ric a n tra d itio n ,
people w h o believe in freedom o f
speech, a free e d u c a tio n a l system and

Ed u c a t

io n a l

L e a d e r s h ip

a g ra d u a l process o f econom ic, p o litic a l
and social d e m o c ra tiz a tio n fo r o u r
coun try.
T h e a n ti-in te lle c tu a lis m , the resort
to m ilit a n t is o la tio n is m and the char
acter assassination a ll have the purpose
o f m is le a d in g o u r people, th ro w in g fear
in to the hearts o f teachers and destroy
in g p u b lic confidence n o t o n ly in edu
c a tio n b u t in o u r w h o le dem ocratic
system. These techniques have been
used over and ov e r again in E uropean
c oun tries w here to ta lita ria n is m o f one
fo rm o r a n o th e r has taken over. Tho se
o f us w h o have observed the Nazis, the
Fascists and the C o m m unists a t w o rk
k n o w exa c tly w h a t the techniques are;
and by n o w the results o f such tech
niques are m atters o f histo ry. W e have
an o b lig a tio n to la y bare the n a tu re
o f these attacks—h e lp in g o u r people to
see w h a t lies b e h in d th e m and p o in tin g
o u t c le a rly w h a t th e ir effects are lik e ly
to be i f they c o n tin u e unanswered.

R em ed y : T ea c h in g S o cia l
R esp o n sib ility
T h e rem edy fo r the s itu a tio n is to
m ake every school an o u ts ta n d in g ex
am ple o f the d e m o c ra tic process. I n i t
we m ust con s ta n tly teach the m eth o d o f
in te llig e n c e , b o th b y exam ple and by

Ap r

il

1953

w o rd o f m o u th . W e m ust ever engage
in an earnest, sincere search fo r tru th .
O u r boys a n d g irls m u s t be ta u g h t to
m eet th e ir social re s p o n s ib ilitie s b o th
a t hom e a n d abroad, b y m e e tin g th e ir
social re s p o n s ib ilitie s now . W e m ust
m ake a w o rld -w id e a pp roa ch to the
s o lu tio n o f o u r p roblem s a n d n o t m ake
a n a rro w p ro v in c ia l a tta c k u p o n them .
F in a lly we m ust em phasize in every
possible w ay the sacredness o f in d iv id
u a l h u m a n p e rso n a lity. W e m u st h e lp
boys and g irls and m en a n d w o m en to
see th a t any person’s good nam e is
his m ost sacred possession and th a t any
one w h o w a n to n ly a n d irre s p o n s ib ly de
stroys a n o th e r person’s good nam e is
c o m m ittin g an offense n o t o n ly against
the person in que stio n b u t against the
very fo u n d a tio n s o f o u r free society. I n
the m o n th s and years to come we in
the profession w i ll need to t h in k clear
ly, act w isely a n d a lly ourselves w ith
o u r frie n d s in th e la rg e r co m m u n ity .
T h e life o f free dom is a t stake and we
have th e o b lig a tio n as p rim e defenders
o f freedom to w a rn o u r citizens against
hazards to free dom and to jo in w ith
them n o t o n ly in its defense b u t in its
fu rth e r de ve lo p m e n t .—E r n e s t O . M e l b y ,
dean, School o f E d u c a tio n , N e w Y o rk
U n iv e rs ity .

453

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                    <text>The Listening Post
C o lu m n E d ito r: C. G le n Ha*s
C o n trib u to r: Ernest O . M e lb y

What Is Behind the Attacks on Education?

VICIOUS attacks on education are now
an old story to all of us. The pattern
of the attacks is quite the same in all
sections of the country. The argu
ments and charges made are now be
coming threadbare with repetition.
They have been answered time and
again by those in daily contact with
our educational system. Parents who
frequently visit schools and members
of parent-teacher associations who are
familiar with the work of our schools
know that the charges are false and
that they are. in many instances, ex
amples of the “big lie” technique.
Most of us, however, have been so
busy meeting the attacks that we have
not had time to examine the philo
sophical structure out of which they
come. In this column, we shall call
attention to three striking character
istics of these vicious criticisms.
A n ti-in tellectu a lism

In many cases the vicious charges
against education are prime examples
of anti-intellectualism. Quite often the
article or speech attacking education
will begin by misstating the philosophy
of John Dewey or William Heard Kil
patrick or perhaps with a distortion of
the philosophy of progressive or mod
ern education. Thus John Dewey is
said to advocate a thought control pat
tern of education; Kilpatrick is charged
with advocating socialistic or “pink”
education and some curious process is
utilized to show a supposed connection
between communism and progressive
education. Any careful thinker who
would read the contributions of
A p r il

Dewey and Kilpatrick or the basic lit
erature regarding progressive education
would, of course, instantly conclude
that the critic in question has com
pletely distorted the meaning of what
these men have written and the under
lying philosophy of progressive educa
tion. This process of distortion is no
accident or result of mere ignorance
on the part of the writer. It is a studied
process designed to attack the whole
method of intelligence as it applies to
education, and the solution of prob
lems in our society. It is based upon
the theory that an oft-repeated gross
misstatement will be accepted by a large
number of innocent people. Many
people hearing these comments so fre
quently believe that since they are
stated so often and not immediately
repudiated they must be so.
Freedom depends on the method of
intelligence. Public schools have been
established and an educational system
developed in order that our people
might know how to seek the truth. The
scientific method, the method of intel
ligence, has been and is our accepted
process for seeking the truth. Antiintellectualism thus attacks the very
foundations of freedom. Those who
employ it know exactly what they are
doing. They are seeking to destroy the
democratic process. And they know that
an attack upon the public school sys
tem is an attack upon one of freedom’s
most vital foundations. It is important
in dealing with these attacks to help
our people understand that it is not
only education that is being attacked
but our free society itself.
451

1953

Reprinted from E d u c a tio n a l L e ad ersh ip VoI. X. No. 7

�Iso la tio n ism

A second characteristic of many of
the attacks is their fundamental isola
tionist character. Quite often there is
severe resistance to teaching about
Un esc o
or the United Nations.
U n e s c o may be charged with being
under Communist influence and the
United Nations may be accused of ad
vocating world government and sacri
ficing the sovereignty of the United
States. These attacks upon the study
of international understanding in our
schools are, of course, a part of a larger
attack now being made upon the Unit
ed Nations and U n e s c o throughout
the length and breadth of the country.
Such attacks certainly are an anach
ronistic characteristic of present day
America.
We have elected a new president who
has expressed unequivocal support of
the United Nations and a clear com
mitment to the assumption of full re
sponsibility by the United States in
world affairs. Our new president has
named as secretary of state an outstand
ing advocate of America’s international
responsibility. He has named as a rep
resentative to the United Nations a
United States Senator whose thinking
is in international directions. In the
period since the war we have expended
billions of dollars in foreign aid and
otherwise in meeting our international
responsibilities. The United Nations
is located in the United States— New
in
York City. It is financially and morally
supported by our government. As a
people we have put much of our faith
in peace and security, on the effective
functioning of the United Nations. It
would seem that the American educa
tional system could do little else but
support American efforts in these direc
tions as it is generally assumed it will
support other aspects of American gov
ernment and American policy. Yet
452

schools are attacked for teaching about
the United Nations and for participa
ting in the activities of U n e s c o . Here
again we have an example of the irre
sponsible character of many of the cur
rent attacks upon education. In this
instance as in many others the design
of the attack is to weaken the founda
tions of our free society.
C haracter A ssassin ation

A third characteristic of the attacks
is the repeated use of the technique of
character assassination. In a nearby
community a new attack has broken
out against one of our outstanding
school systems. In this instance two
local organizations have joined hands
in charging that about a dozen of the
teachers in the school system are Com
munists or fellow-travelers. If an in
vestigation were made, I am sure it
would show that none of these teachers
is even remotely connected with Com
munism, that all of them hate every
form of totalitarianism, and that all of
them are doing everything they can
every day to prepare citizens who will
be effective in maintaining a free so
ciety.
The question may well be asked—
if
this is the case, why are the charges
made? I venture to say that at some
time or other the teachers in question
have supported public housing, equal
rights for Negroes, federal aid to edu
cation, support of the United Nations,
and perhaps expressed themselves fa
vorably concerning the TVA. Few of
us can believe that the moving spirits
in the current attacks on education
seriously believe that they will locate
any considerable number of Commu
nists in the American school system.
They are really not after Communists
but after people who, through the years,
have supported the American tradition,
people who believe in freedom of
speech, a free educational system and
Ed u c a t

io n a l

L e a d e r s h ip

a gradual process of economic, political
and social democratization for our
country.
The anti-intellectualism, the resort
to militant isolationism and the char
acter assassination all have the purpose
of misleading our people, throwing fear
into the hearts of teachers and destroy
ing public confidence not only in edu
cation but in our whole democratic
system. These techniques have been
used over and over again in European
countries where totalitarianism of one
form or another has taken over. Those
of us who have observed the Nazis, the
Fascists and the Communists at work
know exactly what the techniques are;
and by now the results of such tech
niques are matters of history. We have
an obligation to lay bare the nature
of these attacks—
helping our people to
see what lies behind them and pointing
out clearly what their effects are likely
to be if they continue unanswered.
R em ed y: T ea c h in g S o cia l
R esp o n sib ility

The remedy for the situation is to
make every school an outstanding ex
ample of the democratic process. In it
we must constantly teach the method of
intelligence, both by example and by

Ap r

il

1953

word of mouth. We must ever engage
in an earnest, sincere search for truth.
Our boys and girls must be taught to
meet their social responsibilities both
at home and abroad, by meeting their
social responsibilities now. We must
make a world-wide approach to the
solution of our problems and not make
a narrow provincial attack upon them.
Finally we must emphasize in every
possible way the sacredness of individ
ual human personality. We must help
boys and girls and men and women to
see that any person’s good name is
his most sacred possession and that any
one who wantonly and irresponsibly de
stroys another person's good name is
committing an offense not only against
the person in question but against the
very foundations of our free society. In
the months and years to come we in
the profession will need to think clear
ly, act wisely and ally ourselves with
our friends in the larger community.
The life of freedom is at stake and we
have the obligation as prime defenders
of freedom to warn our citizens against
hazards to freedom and to join with
them not only in its defense but in its
further development. Ernest O. Melby,
—
dean, School of Education, New York
University.

453

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                    <text>Teachers, in their rejection of authoritar
ianism have lost, in considerable measure,
respect for and acceptance of democratic
controls rightfully vested in duly con
stituted authority under the form of gov
ernment in which we live. Government,
without leadership and without controls,
whether it be government of a nation or
a school system, is anarchy. In a democ
racy, leadership and controls are achieved
by the will of the people for the good of
the majority. Once they “become,” co
operative endeavor is the duty of all citi
zens. Attack, therefore, should not be
directed against leadership per se or con
trol per se, but rather against the inade
quate functions of leadership and against
the ineffectiveness of the controls.
Authority in Democracy Necessary

While there has been much talk of de
mocracy in administration, there has been
too little understanding of its concept. It
does not, and should not, mean license for

teachers to dismiss legitimately constituted
authority or reject validly organized con
trols as being traditional and anachronis
tic; it does not and should not mean that
a superintendent ought literally to abdicate
his responsibilities in favor of a multitude
who speak in a wilderness of doubt.
At a recent meeting of school leaders, one
superintendent in informal discussion re
marked that for a superintendent to send
a directive to teachers was most undemo
cratic. “It’s no longer done,” he said. This
superficial way of defining the terms of
democracy has led only to confusion and
uncertainty.
Democracy in administration and the
practice of good human relations go hand
in hand. A proper concept of democracy
insures better human relations; conversely,
better human relations promote the ideals
of democracy.
The science of human relations as ap
plied to the superintendency has many
implications. It means having a sensitive
awareness of people. It means taking a

sincere and positive interest in teachers as
people, their needs, their aspirations, their
social climate, and their physical environ
ment. In large school systems where it is
impossible for a superintendent to knowall teachers personally, it will be to his ad
vantage to inventory their needs through
respective principals and supervisors. It
means indicating a willingness to discuss
problems, to reduce variances, to alleviate
tensions, and to make adjustments when
ever and wherever such action is feasible
and possible. It means allowing teachers
and principals to exercise reasonable free
dom in the direction and management of
their buildings and classes. It means in
viting teachers to share in the selection
of textbooks, the revision of curricula, and
the making of personnel policies. It fheans
understanding the principles of democracy
in action and exerting leadership worthy of
the democratic frame of reference. All this
is no easy task. It is, however, a necessary
function of the superintendency as we
know it today.

We Bring the Community Into Our Schools
T. Edward Rutter
Every parent, who has sat at the dinner
table and heard his children tell of the
day’s happenings at school, knows that
public schools in America touch family
life in an intimate way, week after week
and year after year. Because of this close
contact between the home and the class
room, our schools are perhaps better suited
to community co-operation in planning
than any other official government agency.
Schools in Arlington, Virginia, have tried
to make use of this natural interest in
schools by bringing citizens into school
advisory groups and by encouraging par
ents and teachers to co-operate in many
phases of school enrichment.
Arlington’s school citizens’ advisory
committees and councils have had a good
deal of publicity. These groups enlist the
aid of more than 500 men and women
of the community to serve specific school
needs.
First among the group are advisory com
mittees, one for each school, named by
the school board to keep a watchful eye
on the individual school, and to serve as
a liaison between the school community,
the superintendent, and the school board.
Principals Recommend Parents

Since it is impossible for Arlington school
•Superintendent of Schools, Arlington County, Va.

30

board members to be really well acquainted
with all patrons in each of its more than
forty schools, the board usually asks prin
cipals to recommend parents to be named
on the advisory committees. Each com
mittee member is appointed for one year
but may be reappointed. The committees
range in size from three members for the
smallest schools to as many as seven for
junior and senior high schools.
Each committee appoints its own chair
man, meets as often as necessary to con
sider the condition of the school building
and grounds, and any other matters which

the members wish to call to the attention
of the school board.
Not all advisory committee requests can
be granted — but the committees help to
bring about improvements which board
members might not recognize as needed.
Also, the committee members are urged
to attend regular school board meetings
to learn about the schools. All committees
are called in for consultation as an entire
group when some specific problem faces
the school board and the board wishes to
get the reaction of the community as a
whole.

The H om e Economics A dvisory Council at one of its
regular meetings in the beautifully appointed Washington-and-Lee H igh School H ome Economics suite.
SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL for OCTOBER, 1953

�THE AMERICAN

S c W BtmrbJmrnuil

Jeidcf^cio^mnjnfoi
^roiaoSfordii{ii&gt;

O C T O B E R ............................1953

A M iddle W ay in —

Human Relations and the
School Superintendency »&lt;maar . k m,, ru&gt;.Until fairly recently, to organize, to tion of the superintendency. The tradi
supervise, and to deputize were considered tional superintendent ordered his personnel
the chief tasks of the public-school admin through the exercise of authority dele
istrator. In the past decade, however, with gated to him by the School Committee or
interest heightened in the school superin Board of Education. School policies and
tendency as a profession, two additional procedures did not emerge or evolve as the
major functions have emerged, namely: result of discussion, conference, and mental
to publicize and to humanize. Of all these interaction between superintendent and
and the many less-emphasized functions staff. They suddenly were because he, the
associated with the administration of a superintendent, decreed they should be.
Rigid authoritarianism has been known
school system, the last — to humanize — is
probably a superintendent’s most impor to order personnel without consultation or
tant task. Paradoxically enough, however, explanation; to limit the activities of
teachers without justifiable reason; to dis
it is also probably the most neglected.
There are several reasons why the “hu cipline staff members without the courtesy
man relations” function of the school su of a hearing; to deny the maladjusted
perintendency has received less attention adjustment without consideration of the
than have other aspects of the job. In the pertinent facts; to superimpose ideas, cur
main, human relations as a social science ricula, and methods without allowing teach
has been a comparatively new development, ers the privilege of participation or dis
and the school superintendency as a pro cussion.
fession is a goal just in the process of
Benevolent authoritarianism, though
emergence. Moreover, the whole area of more subtle in action is, nonetheless, no
human relations, significant though it be, more righteous in principle than rigid au
is less tangible, less objective, as it were, thoritarianism. The only difference is in
than the areas of organization, supervision, method of attack. Here the superintendent
authorization, or public relations. It is invites the confidence of personnel, in
more subtle, too, demanding a keen insight terests the staff in participation, considers
into the complexities of human nature and the “peeves” of teachers, and gives soa sincere interest in the worth and dignity called “lip service” to democratic proce
of the human personality.
dures, because, on the surface, it “looks
good” and makes teachers “feel impor
tant.” Despite this seeming willingness to
The Older Philosophy
show regard for teachers as intelligent
Still another conditioning factor has been human beings, the benevolent dictator, in
the effect prevailing philosophies of edu
the final analysis, does eventually what
cation have had upon school administration he would have done anyway with or with
from time to time. The philosophy of out the consultation of his personnel. In
authoritarianism left little room for the this increasingly enlightened era, in which
development of human relations as a func- many teachers have had excellent prepara
tory background for their respective teach
*Assistant Superintendent of Schools, Holyoke, Mass.
ing tasks, these nuances in administrative
SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL fo r OCTOBER, 1953

approach do not go unnoticed. Usually
they are all too completely understood by
the teaching personnel and tend only to
result in resentment and dissatisfaction.
*
“Laissez-Faire” Also Bad

A policy of school administration,
equally as dangerous as authoritarianism
in human relations, is “laissez-faire-ism.”
There are those in the superintendency who
believe that they should intervene as little
as possible in personnel problems. They
“delegate” authority to the next person
“down” the line because “it was always
done that way.” Or, some superintendents
just find it more expedient to let things be
as they are, or let teachers proceed as
they will, irrespective of the long-range
effects of such action. These superintend
ents operate almost exclusively on the
“don’t let yourself get involved” or “things
will take care of themselves” premise.
Because of the inadequate attention
paid to the implications of human rela
tions as an aspect of school administration,
there has come to be, in some places, a
definite cleavage between duly constituted
authority, on the one hand, and the teach
ing corps, on the other. Where this con
dition obtains, teachers seem ever to be on
the defensive. They suspect authority; they
resent it; they defy it. They are as sensi
tive of their position in the matter as
labor is sensitive to capital. This is indeed
regrettable. Confusion and disorder are
bound to result.
Failure of educational leaders to crystal
lize democracy and to define authority in
school administration, particularly in ap
plication to human relations, has created
a situation that is far from wholesome.
29

�Work of Advisory Councils
Advisory councils, also appointed by the
school board, serve in Arlington to assist
the board in its planning concerning six
teen different fields of curriculum and
administration.
During the past year, councils studied
and made recommendations concerning art,
audio-visual education, budget procedures,
construction, distributive education, guid
ance, health, home economics, libraries,
music, personnel policies, physical educa-

with all phases of our school program and
with all members of the staff, it has been
found worth while to set up two liaison
groups among paid members of the school
staff.
First, there is a well-functioning Super
intendent’s Advisory Council, composed of
eleven selected supervisors and principals,
who meet with the superintendent once
a month to present matters which might
otherwise escape his attention and to give
their opinions concerning phases of school
management which the superintendent

classroom discipline, and the teaching of
arithmetic and reading are among topics
discussed last year by the Parents’ Coun
cil. The associate superintendent in charge
of instruction directs this group.
A Teacher’s Council on Instruction is
another unique organization in Arlington.
The Teachers’ Council is made up of one
teacher representative from each of Ar
lington’s public schools. They meet for
half a day once each month to report
problems from each building for which
county-wide policies are needed, and also

The A d v iso r y C om m ittees w ork w ith th e board in th e solu tion of in dividu al as w ell as general problem s.
Illu stra ted are m em bers of th e H e n ry E lem en tary School and Jefferson Junior H igh School com m ittees
who w orked w ith th e board on plans fo r addition s to those schools.

tion, school lunches, special education for
the handicapped, speech (including radio,
TV, and drama), and trades and industry.
A member of the school staff, such as
the supervisor in the field under study,
serves as executive secretary of each ad
visory council. A citizen chairman is named
for each.
Every school board which names ad
visory committees and councils must face
the fact that it is a time-consuming job
to work with community groups. However,
the Arlington board hears all recommenda
tions from these bodies and learns much
from them concerning what should be done
in its various schools and departments.
It has proved valuable to call all the groups
together once or twice a year to discuss
the general school picture and thus to
inform this block of interested citizens of
the way in which school problems are being
met in Arlington.

Liaison Groups Established
In order to carry democratic principles
into general school management and also
in order to keep more closely in touch
SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL fo r OCTOBER, 1953

wishes to discuss with them.
Second, Arlington also has a Superin
tendent’s Central Committee of Teachers
who discuss with the superintendent gen
eral personnel problems which may arise.
Members of this committee are elected by
vote of the teachers themselves. Thirteen
teachers represented a total staff of about
700 last year.
In the field of instruction, two bodies
function in Arlington to bring in as much
general “know-how” as possible and also
to acquaint teachers and parents with the
many new things being done in Arlington
schools.
A Parents’ Council of Instruction meets
once a month to study various phases of
the curriculum and the teaching program.
Members of this group include one or
more parents named by the Parent-Teacher
Association at each individual school, to
gether with supervisors and principals who
attend whenever some subject is to be
brought up in which they can be helpful.
All other interested persons are also in
vited to attend.
Extracurricular activities, family life
education, the gifted child, homework,

to develop instructional practices which
may benefit all the schools. This organiza
tion, with its alert membership reporting
back to the teachers in each building, has
engaged in extensive activity which has
done much to improve teaching and cur
riculum in Arlington.
Arlington’s story of community co-opera
tion in the schools would not be complete
without mention of how some individual
schools in the county get help from citizens
in their own areas to enrich the curriculum.

Tapping Hidden Resources
Officials of Read School, an elementary
building housing more than 700 pupils,
made a community survey last year to
list the resources available in that vicinity
to make school subjects more colorful and
interesting. They discovered parents who
had lived in foreign countries, others who
had traveled on business or pleasure to
far corners of the world. They found
camera enthusiasts with movie and still
photographs which they were happy to
share with the pupils. Residents who had
(Concluded on page 90)

31

�F o r A ll the C h ild re n —

Let’ Implement Health Instruction
s
Ross L. Allen,Dr. P.H.'
No one dislikes the word “implement” application! We assume, for example, that
more than the writer. Yet it fits the situa teachers are adequately trained in health,
tion in which school administrators find when we know that it is the exceptional
themselves. You are a bit “on the spot” training institution that requires more than
as far as health teaching is concerned. one 2- or 3-hour course in personal health
There is increasing public pressure to do in its whole curriculum. Where are the
something about the provision of health elementary teachers expected to get even
education in the public schools. Parents basic knowledge of healthful living. Surely,
are beginning to wonder if there is any not from one course! Just how are these
thing to health as one of the first objec teachers to use “teachable” moments in
tives of education. These words should be health when they do not have the train
familiar to you for your own national ing or even the knowledge to recognize
organizations have made such statements them when they do occur? Perhaps some
of policy in formulations of objectives. Are of you will say, “what concern is this of
we really doing anything about health mine? The teacher-training institutions are
teaching as a significant inclusion in the at fault. They should require more in
school curriculum? Are we really imple health education.” But you know that these
menting health in our schools? Let us look institutions will include such teaching, if
frankly at the status of health teaching. you as an administrator will demand it as
a qualification for employment.

Why Not Check Health
Attainments
Again, you evaluate the progress of your
teachers and students in attaining certain
standard achievements in arithmetic, social
studies, music, etc. Do you ever check
the health attainments of students? If you
did, syllabi would have to be revised, and
teachers would eventually gain the atti
tude that accomplishment in health status
is just as important as meeting standard
ized norms in the arts of communication
and the like. Yes. until you make health
important as a school inclusion, you can
not expect teachers to place emphasis on
healthful school living. Parents — the pub
lic — are beginning to realize this. They
want health for their children in peace,
too!

Using Teachable Moments
In the elementary schools we expect
our teachers to instruct children in whole
some living. At least, on paper, we expect
children to develop wholesome habits and
attitudes of health, and we believe that
some simple basic health information
should be part of their equipment. All of
us accept this; we do accept our responsi
bility for the health education, in part,
of our students. We expect that parents
and community agencies will assume re
sponsibility for their fair share of the com
plete education of the child for health.
How do we go about attaining this health
objective? In the elementary school, we
have agreed that “integration” is the pro
cedure that is most effective and feasible.
We expect our elementary school teachers
to teach health when there are “teachable”
moments — whether they occur in arith
metic, social studies, or in the school cor
ridor. Advantage should be taken of every
situation that offers health teaching oppor
tunities. In addition to integration, we rely
upon a few brief units — or “direct” teach
ing of health. Rarely do we give any
time for these units similar to the time
allotments for the traditional subjects. We
depend largely upon “integration.”
In theory, this is excellent procedure,
but there are so many facets in its practical
f
t ..
t .
'Professor, Health
Crln n Y
otad
32

.
•

c
.

owi..,. r n „
„„

Education, State Teachers College,

P la y fe stiva ls allow fo r m a xim u m p a .rticipation in o u td o o r hea lth . edu.
, .
r
.
,
. .
cation and in M ilw aukee p ro vid e a h ttin g close to su m m er a ctivities.
SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL fo r OCTOBER, 1953

�COMMUNITY AND SCHOOL
(Concluded from page 31)

collections of rocks or butterflies or dolls
or other objects of interest to children
were willing to display them at school.
The specialized knowledge brought into
the classrooms by these community resi
dents has done much to bring warmth and
color into the study of many different
subjects.
Interest in schools in Arlington is so
general that the county Parent-Teacher
Council is the largest single organization
of any kind in the county. This federation
of Parent-Teacher Association from all the
public schools of Arlington counted an
over-all local membership of approximately
18,000 men and women last year. Men are
leaders in the association’s work in the
county, with more than two thirds of the
local P.T.A.’s being headed by fathers.

BUILDING AUTHORITIES
(Concluded from page 36)

equalization be provided through indirect
means! The states can determine the school
housing needs of their respective districts and
should develop programs which will make it
possible for-those needs to be met. Such pro
grams should be direct, open, involving action
by the people, and they should provide state
funds to remove part of the cost of capital

outlay from local property and to provide
necessary equalization among the districts.
States cannot discharge their responsibility for
education — which requires housing — with
out positive action in this regard.

in the educational world — a city that has
graduated a long list of nationally and in
ternationally known educators, poets,
businessmen, authors, artists, and jurists
from its secondary schools.

SECONDARY EDUCATION

PERSONAL NEWS OF
SUPERINTENDENTS

(Concluded from page 43)

restricted academic curriculum of a hun
dred years ago embracing only a few sub
jects is now augmented by a variety of
required and elective subjects which help
our boys and girls in St. Louis to meet the
challenge of a dynamic, democratic society
in a changing world.
The visions and faith of these early
settlers are responsible for our schools
today. This history of education could be
recast for nearly every state and city in
America. St. Louis, however, was the edu
cational leader west of the Mississippi
River — first in coeducational secondary
schools, in free public education, in normal
school or college training. St. Louis boasts
in having the first public secondary school
in the world for Negro youth. Its adult
education and technical high schools have
set a pattern throughout the nation.
Under the leadership of its present super
intendent of instruction, and with the full
support of a board of education as keenly
aware of the progress to be made in educa
tion, St. Louis will continue to be a leader

J a c k P a d g e t t h as been elected superintendent of the
Morgan county schools a t Madison, Ga.
E l m e r B. V e c e r a , of Kensington, Kans., is the new
superintendent a t Jennings, Kans.
V. W. M a d s e n has been elected superintendent at
Lake Preston, S. Dak. W a l d o A n d e r s o n , of Ramona, suc
ceeds Mr. Madsen.
W i l l ia m E. L l o y d , of Richmond, Va., has been ap
pointed director of special services for the American
Association of School Administrators, Washington, D . C.
He entered upon his new duties September IS.
F. K. P o n t io u s , of Walnut, Kans., has accepted the
superintendency at Galena, where he succeeds C. L.
Wantland.
ic H. C. L e w i s , of Nicolet, Wis., has been elected su p e r
intendent of schools at West DePere, to succeed J. B.
Layde, who has retired after thirty years’ service.
Ar t h u r T in d a l l has been elected superintendent of
the elementary school district a t Whisman, Calif.
T. H . R is d a l , of Galesburg, N . Dak., has been elected
superintendent of schools a t Minnewaukan.
G e o r g e F a l k e n s t e i n , of Turtle Lake, N. Dak., has
accepted the superintendency a t Towner, where he suc
ceeds Emil F. Sather.
H a r o l d Si m m o n s , of Sulphur Springs, Iowa, has ac
cepted the superintendency a t Adel.
D r . E. E. L e w i s , emeritus professor of education a t
Ohio State University, Columbus, was honored guest a t
a testimonial dinner on August 8, a t the Deshler-Hilton
Hotel. In attendance were some 100 of his former
graduate students, now serving in various parts of the
country, as well as friends and colleagues. Dr. Lewis has
been retired since 1952.
R a y m o n d E. R a m s d e l i , has been elected assistant
superintendent of schools a t Vernon, Conn.

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FO R F U R T H E R INFORM ATION, W R ITE FO R :
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(Informative 65 page Booklet)
2. “ S la te C h alk b o ard s a rc M odern T o o " .
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4. P e rso n a l assista n ce w ith y o u r ch a lk b o a rd selectio n .
N o o b lig a tio n , of course.

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TABLE

M A D E!

SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL fo r OCTOBER, 1953

�gyms in one ma ke
They’ll pay for themselves in
use! Horn planning and equip
ment give you maximum gym
use—for exhibitions that pay
—for efficient practice.

HORN S e a ts —folded ^
mean plenty of room
fo r p r a c t i c e . A
smooth, safe surface
protects players.

Your local Horn representa
tiv e helps you plan. Horn
factory crews supervise in
s ta lla tio n . H orn q u a l i t y
construction gives years of
trouble-free service.

I S e a t s — ex ten d ed m e a n ^
y of room for the p aying
Comfortable, easy to clean.

Write today for details on
Horn folding gym seats and
partitions—and the new fold
ing stages.

HORN P a rtitio n s ^

—electrically op
e r a t e d , e a s ily
folded back for
exhibitions, or ex
tended to provide
two or more prac
tice gyms.

4 ifi_
n&amp;

FOR SAFETY, plan w ith ^
H O R N ! Horn folding gym
seats provide a smooth,
sloping surface when fold
ed . . . real protection for
th e vital zone!

SCHOOL EQUIPMENT DIVISION OF
THE BRUNSWICK-BALKE-COLLENDER CO M PAN Y
623 SOUTH WABASH AVE., CHICAGO 5, ILLINOIS

SCHOOL BOARD JOURNAL fo r OCTOBER, 1953

89

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                    <text>SEPARATE SCHOOLS
AND
BETTER RACE RELATIONS

Suggestions and Solutions

�SEPARATE SCHOOLS
AND
BETTER RACE RELATIONS

Suggestions and Solutions

�COPYRIGHT 1954 BY

LETTER FROM A FRIEND OF NEGROES

T. F. EPES

Permission is hereby given to newspapers and periodicals to
reproduce passages for purpose of review, with credit to author.
Written permission may be obtained to reprint Parts I and II in
part or in whole.
P. 0. Box 2309

Richmond, Va.

Integrating public schools and race relations are tied together.
The author has rightly suggested that cool-headed people in
both races must handle these two problems as one, and at the
same time.
Viewpoints and arguments are presented logically, concisely,
and clearly. Nothing so complete for the guidance of school
personnel, negroes, and whites has been published.
C. H. Stephens

�FINDING A JUST SOLUTION

(Introduction)
The purpose of this booklet is to unite Christian Negroes and
Christian white people in a just plan for education of Negroes,
and to adopt a basis for permanent improvement in race relations.
When the W Between the States started, my grandfathers Epes
ar
and Robinson each possessed over 3,000 acres of land. Like
other planters they were destitute after the war. However, my
grandfather Epes received in 1863 $8,000 in gold from England,
being proceeds from sale of cotton which escaped the blockade.
I was reared with Negroes, understand and love them. Due to
tradition and experience, conditions in the South are familiar
to me.
It would be difficult for one person to collect and verify without
assistance, the information shown herein. Acknowledgment with
appreciation is made for suggestions and viewpoints received
from many people.
I am retired under the Federal Reserve Bank Pension System
and now engaged in church and civic work. Profit, if any from
this booklet, will be reinvested in this work. If white people and
Negroes do not invest common sense, love, and Christianity in
race relations, our future will be dismal.
T. F. E.

- 5-

�PART S
(P ages 8 Through 20)

�(1)

SEPARATE OR MIXED PUBLIC SCHOOLS

There has been much confusion and grave tension in the South
since the Supreme Court ruled that separate schools with equal
facilities were unconstitutional.
This booklet gives the viewpoint of conservative, liberal, and
radical groups regarding separate and mixed schools. It also
includes the ideas of many experienced people and unusual in
formation which has not been published. You can analyze and
decide for yourself which plan is best.
(2)

(e) Many people believe that one of the. big benefits derived
from separate schools is the fact that Negro and white children
are kept apart until they are matured and are prepared to asso
ciate without friction. W do you think?
hat
(f) The majority of Negroes prefer separate schools if they
are equal, but do not feel free to express themselves.
(g) Close friendships have existed between white people and
Negroes for many years. They have been through troubles, hard
ships and poverty together. Severe disagreement over education
and racial problems can be avoided as shown herein.
(3)

(a) THROUGH (g) WILL GIVE AN IDEA OF CONTENTS

LE T IT BE SAID AT THE START

(a) People have different views. Some think mixed schools in
the South will result in mixed marriages; some think mixed
marriages are proper. Some think mixed schools will increase
racial dissension; some think they have more advantages than
disadvantages. Some people think that mixed schools are unadvoidable, because the Supreme Court ruled against separate
schools. Some believe that mixed schools will start a race
war. A great number of people believe that separate schools
with equal facilities should have a fair trial. W
hat do you
think should be done? This booklet will help you make decisions.

(a) There are many angles to mixed and separate schools in
the South. Due ‘to complications, politics and propaganda, the
majority of people in both races are confused. This booklet
is intended mainly for confused people who seek a just solution
for the benefit of both races.

(b) Many millions have been spent to provide equal facilities
for Negro schools, and leaders in both races are determined that
such facilities will be maintained. It is inconceivable that any
agency can or will force Southern States to adopt mixed schools,
before giving equal schools a fair trial. Various viewpoints on
schools and race relations are shown herein.

(c) You will not agree with some of the criticisms, statements
and conclusions. However, you will have the benefit of a rather
complete list of problems, approaches and suggestions. This
will help you to find solutions.

(c) If mixed schools are compulsory and pupils attend schools
nearest their residences, many Negroes will buy or rent homes
in the white residential districts. This could put an end to white
districts and destroy real estate values, creating an unsatis
factory situation for both races.
(d) It is believed that good Negroes and .good whites in the
South will join forces, which is the main proposal of this book
let. They will have to overcome power-mad politicians, Com
munistic activities, and propaganda organizations- as well as
hot-headed people in both races.

(b) Many good citizens feel that they are helpless to assist in a
solution. They are resigned to whatever happens. This is alarming,
since it is the duty of Southern people in both races to decide be
tween mixed and separate schools, or at least demand that equal
schools receive a fair trial.

(4)

A SERIOUS MISTAKE MUST BE CORRECTED

The Supreme Court and all of us have made a serious mistake
in using incorrectly the term “segregated schools” in place
of _“ separate -schools.” Many Negroes feel that the word
SEGREGATION tends to creat an inferiority complex.
Separate sch ools
adopted for the benefit of both races,
not to reflect upon Negroes; and Negroes are not segregated
any more than white people. Therefore, we should never use
the term “ segregated schools” in place of “separate schools.”

�This gives the wrong impression; it is a mistake in the choice
of words; it gives partisan leaders unfair propaganda.
This is the opinion of friendly white people who are trying to
advance the Negro race. This mistake must be corrected.
Furthermore, Negroes will be less humiliated in separate than
in mixed schools, as shown in the next topic.
(5)

realize that the safety and integrity of both races are at
stake— never forget this fact.
and
Mixed public schools in the South will do more than all else
to intermingle and amalgamate the two races. In some instances
it will induce mixed marriages; in other instances, it will
increase racial dissension; and it is the wrong way to make
Negroes proud of their race. It is not reasonable to assume that
mixed schools are desirable at this time.

MIXED SCHOOLS WILL CAUSE PAINFUL HUMILIATION

Painful and genuine segregation resulting from self-grouping by
pupils in mixed schools in and out of the classroom will prove
much more humiliating to Negroes than separate schools.
Segregation from self-grouping will increase the inferiority
complex which advocates of mixed schools are attempting to
relieve. Advocates should Stop, Look, and Listen.
No court or school regulation can prevent segregation by groups.
People of different races cannot be forced to associate with
each other against their wishes. Separate schools will be more
satisfactory and pleasing to Negroes than mixed schools.
(6)

ARE MIXED SCHOOLS DESIRABLE AT THIS TIME?

Mixed schools will result in mixed marriages; mixed marriages
will produce mixed breeds. According to history and the Bible,
the mixing of races has contributed to the decay of civiliza
tions.
It is claimed by some that mixed schools have not caused mixed
marriages in the North and West. The reason is plain--a few
Negroes in public schools in any section is not disadvantageous,
and should not cause mixed marriages or other problems. Let’s be
very clear on this point: Where the Negro population is small there
is no reason for operating separate schools for any purpose
anywhere.
W Negroes are better educated and placed in close proximity
hen
to whites, there will be many mixed marriages. You cannot
devise a system which will control love marriages or sex prac
tices. If you know the South and world history, you will

-

10 -

(7)

IS MIXED SCHOOLS A DANGEROUS EXPERIMENT?

Mixed schools could be a dangerous experiment, since the public
school system would suffer severely if plans for private schools
are developed. But the damage to public education is small in
comparison with racial dissension which could explode in mixed
schools.
Racial dissension is high. Trial and error methods must not
be used. The information contained in these pages and else
where will permit impartial leaders to decide on the danger and
the problems caused by mixed schools. It is certainly practical
to make an analysis, thus avoid blundering.

(8)

NEGROES PREFER SEPARATE SCHOOLS

Over the world, people of each race prefer to be together, and
the majority of Negroes prefer separate schools if facilities are
equal. However, they seldom express openly such a preference,
because this will make them unpopular with their own people,
and it is contrary to extreme partisan propaganda.
The fact that Negroes hesitate to express a preference for
separate schools with equal facilities has unfairly assisted
the advocates of mixed schools. W
hen Negro parents express
their convictions free from pressure, it will be helpful.

-

11-

�(9)

A NEW APPROACH

Extreme views of partisan leaders have divided confused people
into two camps. This is wrong, because each camp includes
good people, conservative people., a^.d radical people. It gives
evil forces and Communists a perfect setup: Confusion, division,
and representatives in both camps.
The good Negroes and good white people must unite in one camp
and plan a just settlement. Uniting the good people in both
races is a new approach, which is shown and emphasized through
out this booklet.
(10)

THE DANGEROUS ADVOCATES OF MIXED SCHOOLS

The dangerous advocates of mixed schools are Negro and white
politicians. Mixed schools are supported strongly and strangely
by Communistic and subversive organizations.
Communists and left wing forces are exploiting this race issue
to the hilt in order to foment strife and turmoil. Deep-thinking
white and Negro people must investigate and stop dangerous
and subversive activities.
(11)

WRONGLY USED TERMS PROVIDE DECEITFUL
PROPAGANDA

Both races must use fair methods. Many approaches and tech
niques used by partisan Negro leaders are not justified. In
seeking objectives and complaining of treatment, they often
use such expressions as:
Segregation, inequality, inferiority complex, secondclass citizenship, justice for minority groups, and
discrimination due to race, creed and color.
These expressions are good, but frequently twisted into cunning
propaganda to obtain sympathy and to gain objectives. This tech
nique is powerful. It creates the impression that Negroes, in the
year 1954, are very much oppressed, and that white people are
the oppressors.

Wrongly used terms are bad. The prospects confronting Negroes
are good. Intelligent Negroes appreciate efforts made for the
betterment of their race, and they dislike deceitful propaganda.
White people who are cooperating with Negroes are displeased
at such unfair methods.
(12)

WILL NEGROES RESPECT RIGHTS OF WHITE PEOPLE?

Better education and greater benefits already provided show
that the rights and wishes of Negroes are respected. Will
Negroes respect the rights and wishes of white people?
The belligerent demands of many Negroes and their powerful
propaganda organizations have disturbed and offended white
people. If white people prefer to have their own schools,
residential districts, hospitals, hotels, eating and rooming
places, will Negroes respect these rights, or will they re
fuse, saying: "We will not permit white people to separate
themselves from us, because the Supreme Court says it is un
constitutional; and because Negroes must intermingle with
white people to keep them from developing an inferiority com
plex.”
When Negro leaders refuse to consider the rights of white people,
they place the Negro race in an unreasonable position. Intelligent
Negroes should speak up against extremists, though they are
told to keep their mouths closed. Fearless leadership is needed.
Negroes are on top in regard to gaining better education and
greater benefits. Unless Negroes show that the rights of white
people will be considered, sympathy, gifts and assistance
will cease. Lack of consideration could cause a race war.
Good Negroes and good white people must stand together
against extremists.
'

(13) THE SUPREME COURT

Several times the Supreme Court and other Courts have stated
that separate schools for the two races were legal. The
Supreme Court in 1896 ruled that separate transportation with
equal facilities for the races was constitutional. The Court

�on May 17, 1954 ruled that separate schools with equal facili
ties were unconstitutional, which is inconsistent with other
rulings.
Many lawyers think the recent ruling was a miscarriage of
justice. Many people believe the decision was an error, and
it cannot be enforced without an amendment to the Constitu
tion. The ineffective law which regulated the sale of whiskey
and the repeal of this law show that is is impractical to legislate
customs, morals, and preferences. Mixed schools could end in
turmoil.
People fear that compulsory mixed schools under the Court’s
decree will usurp the rights of States and individuals, and
that the ruling gives the Federal Government too much control
over business and social activities of free people. Concen
trating power in the Federal Government is the first step to
Communism and to a dictator. This is alarming.
In any event, would it not be wise to give separate schools
with equal facilities a fair trial before installing mixed schools?
A fair test has not been made.
0 4 ) SOUTHERN STATES MUST DECIDE NOW

The social and sex behavior of small and large children must
be directed in mixed schools in the South. Should we teach
Negro and white children to mingle freely and socialize together
in and out of classrooms as they prefer, or according to race?
This question must be answered, not ignored by parents and
school authorities. Many people have said that "children will
handle these problems all right as they arise.” This is
absolutely untrue.
Before anyone can decide anything, someone must prepare blue
prints showing policy and procedure in mixed schools which
children, parents, teachers and school authorities will follow
at every step. Half-baked plans must not be used. Advocates
should provide written instructions showing how mixed schools
will be operated. This has not been done.
T he experience and advantage o f separate schoo ls can be seen.
When b lu e p rin ts fo r m ixed sc hoo ls are provided you w i ll be able

- 14 -

to make a comparison and see whether mixed schools are
practical. It is unwise to wait until the Supreme Court speaks
again before making a definite decision. If mixed schools are not
desirable, now is the time for State Governments to make plans
for separate schools which will be legal and constitutional.
Nothing should be done to offend the Supreme Court.
(15)

CONFUSION - CONFUSION - CONFUSION

Recently, the Supreme Court ruled that separate schools were
unconstitutional, and stated that in the fall it would hear
arguments from the parties involved on the best method to carry
out the Court’s decision. Until some workable plan is pre
sented, school and state authorities as well as parents, pupils
and teachers will be confused and terrified.
The authorities of some states are urging legislation which
will result in retaining separate schools for White children.
M
any believe tKe~^¥t~metHoH” is to give the various States
authority to decidfe between separate andjmixed schooUjLOL_each
locality. jTKe~Tutiire~~oT~~puSIic school efficiency and proper
race relations are at stake.
Prior to the Court’s decision, advocates of mixed schools
should have prepared plans and blueprints which will insure
success and prevent discord. No such blueprints have been
released. Advocates of mixed schools are accepting huge re
sponsibility. If equal schools are given a fair trial, it could
result in bringing a satisfactory solution.
(16)

WASHINGTON, D. C. WILL START MIXED SCHOOLS

The City of Washington has decided to start integration of
schools. The change may appear to be a success, because the
U. S. Army and the large Washington police force will be on
hand to overcome opposition. Such powerful assistance will
not be available in the South.
The above fact is mentioned, since many advocates will con
clude that mixed schools everywhere will meet with the same
reception as schools in Washington. Adequate assistance is

- 15 -

�not available elsewhere and it would be a mistake to think
that mixed schools will be easy to install in Southern States.
(17)

SUPERIOR TRAITS

This booklet would be incomplete without calling attention to
the superior traits of Negroes. They are most efficient and
successful in dancing, music, athletics, nursing and many other
achievements. They are kinder than most races to children and
old people. They are the happiest people in the world. They have
shown character, especially in resisting Communism and on the
battlefield.
They have produced outstanding leaders: Booker T. Washington,
George Washington Carver and others. Their wonderful progress
since 1865 is due largely to such leaders, of whom they are
justly proud. The white, yellow and black races are desperately
in need of leadership.
(18)

ments to be obtained for mankind. This must be done with God’s
guidance by Christian leaders in both races.
Negroes have more substantial backing now than ever before. The
intelligent leaders in both races know where to place benefits
and responsibilities. These people— politicians or radicals—
not
must lead the way, must find the right solution, which is justice
to all; hate to no one; and the opportunity to go forward.
Christianity and religion will do much to settle racial differences
but we must not expect these forces to do the whole job. God
will not do the part which man should do. Leadership and un
selfish support are lacking.
Only Southern people and those who have their hearts in helping
the Negro race can appreciate the deep devotion between white
people and Negroes. This devotion and understanding can and
should unite the good people in both races for a satisfactory
solution, which is the major proposal of this booklet.

BETTER RELATIONS BETWEEN RACES

Hate and emphasis on racial differences will destroy every plan
and effort to build a better world. In facing the present situation^
nothing can be more effective than a consolidated^movernent^meaning the good people in both races must^stand together in
order to settle racial discord.
Confusion, vile politics and propaganda have given many people
the wrong impression of support and friendship—
more white peo
ple are interested in the advancement and fair treatment of
Negroes than politicians and subversive forces lead the public
to believe. This misunderstanding must stop. The quick remedy
is less inflammatory talk, more constructive action, and our
determination to block selfish leaders.
Many prominent leaders will be somewhat disappointed because
their remedies are not mentioned at this juncture, which would
only invite fruitless discussion. People cannot put a roof on a
building until the foundation is laid. Bringing the good people
together is the first step.
The next step is to outline the rights, benefits and improve

Some years ago, Negroes made a request for Negro teachers and
later for Negro principals, claiming that they could do a better
job because of a better understanding of their own people. The
change was successful.
In like manner, white children are benefited by having white
teachers. This indicates that separate schools are better for
both races.
Furthermore, it is certain that effective teaching can not and
does not occur unless the relationship of teacher, pupil, and
parent is characterized by mutual affection and acceptance.
It is equally certain that, at the present time, a large majority
of the whites and Negroes in the South do not accept each
other in a manner which creates a relationship essential to
sound instruction and effective learning.
It follows logically that the quality of instruction and learning
would deteriorate if whites or Negroes taught mixed classes.
Any damage to the fundamental and intellectual development of
pupils must be considered seriously.

- 17 -

�Even in the North and West, few Negro teachers are employed
in mixed schools, except the schools attended by a small number
of white pupils. By the same token, mixed schools in the South
will eliminate many Negro teachers. This will injure the public
school system. In addition, mixed schools will set a pattern and
pave the way for closing Negro universities and other Negro
activities.
It must be stated further that neither the whites nor the Negroes
in the South are prepared for a sudden change. No plan, no
method, no technique will do more than separate but equal
schools to find a solution satisfactory to both races.
Moreover, it is a mistake to assume that we can control by
legislation the customs, feelings and preferences of individuals
within both races. The above topic is of great importance.
(20)

HIGHLIGHTS OF WHAT YOU HAVE READ

separate schools with equal facilities. This applies to the
South--think, study, analyze.
This booklet is like a showcase, displaying many viewpoints.
It shows problems, difficulties, approaches and suggestions.
This complete list will help people reach a decision, which is
the responsibility of public officials, parents, and citizens.
(21)

IN CONCLUSION

IF YOU FORGET ALL ELSE, REMEMBER THIS BOOKLET
ADVOCATES AND EMPHASIZES TW MAJOR POINTS: FIRST,
O
SEPARATE SCHOOLS W
ITH EQUAL FACILITIES SHOULD
HAVE A FAIR TRIAL BEFORE ADOPTING MIXED SCHOOLS.
SECOND, THE GOOD WHITE PEOPLE AND THE GOOD
NEGROES MUST UNITE AND PROVIDE PLANS FOR PERMA
NENT IMPROVEMENT IN RACE RELATIONS.

At this moment, August 20, 1954, there is nothing definite,
only confusion in regard to the future status of public schools
in the South. Racial dissension is feared by both whites and
Negroes.

You will ask: W can I do? If you believe that equal schools
hat
should have a fair trial, write to your government and public
school officials— not stir up racial discord. Pray for God’s
do
guidance.

Advocates of mixed schools are moving rapidly, assisted by en
thusiastic leaders and pwerful propaganda organizations. They
say only mixed schools will provide justice for Negroes. These
leaders intend to have mixed schools regardless of the wishes
of white people and many Negroes; but they believe that both
races will be satisfied after they become accustomed to the
change.

(a)

Powerful propaganda and our enthusiasm to help the Negro
race have induced many people to believe that mixed
schools should be installed- at an early date. Only a
common-sense study of problems and future developments
will enable anyone to predict the time or the outcome. If
this is a dangerous, unwise or Communistic movement, it
should be opposed. If mixed schools will be beneficial,
the plan should be adopted.

(b)

Suggestions from advocates of equal schools are requested.

(c)

Those who are interested in giving separate schools a fair
trial should have a clear understanding of the benefits of
this booklet to them. If it is placed in the hands of people,
this will create public sentiment for giving equal schools
a fair trial.

Advocates of separate schools with equal facilities believe
that mixed schools are not desirable, and do not conform to
God’s plan. They are now looking for a proper solution and
taking steps to install separate schools which will be legal
and constitutional. They believe that separate schools will
benefit both races.
The two paragraphs above refer to proper schools; now we come
to proper race relations (for details see topic No. 18). Nothing
will do more to stir up race dissension than mixed schools.
Nothing will do more to provide better race relations than

(22)

NOTE

�(d)

IN ANY EVENT, IT W
ILL SOFTEN THE DEMAND FOR
IMMEDIATE INTEGRATION. THIS W
ILL ALSO POINT
THE W
AY TO SOLVING INTEGRATION PROBLEMS, IF
AND WHEN THEY COME. ADVOCATES OF SEPARATE
SCHOOLS SHOULD MAKE IT THEIR BUSINESS TO
DISTRIBUTE THIS BOOKLET.

(e)

People fear that Satan and Communists are using dissen
sion and crime to destroy our civilization. Part I of this
booklet shows the amazing movement to stir up racial
dissension. Part II shows "What Churches Can Do For
Juvenile Delinquency” in a practical way. Will our con
secrated leaders adopt common-sense solutions?

8/20/54

T . F . E.

PART II

-2 0-

�THE REASON FOR PART II

Racial dissension and juvenile delinquency are the two most
dangerous problems in the world today—
and they are twin bro
thers. These two problems must be considered together and by
the same people. For this reason, PART II has been included
in this booklet.

sters, especially by taking them or by encouraging them
to go to Sunday School, religious services and church
entertainments.
(c) Some members would enlist with the Department of Evangel
ism in their church, then carry God into these homes where
religion is sorely needed. Juvenile delinquency starts in
the home. These young people lack love and security. They
want to know that someone cares.

WHAT CHURCHES CAN DO FOR JUVENILE DELINQUENCY

The activities now carried on by social workers and welfare
agencies were handled previously through churches. This
change has spoiled church people. Failure in this work is
due largely to overloading the agencies.
Local churches have not accepted the responsibility of juvenile
delinquency as a membership project or program, though a few
churches are maintaining mission centers in slum areas. The
arrangement suggested herein very properly leaves juvenile
delinquency and welfare in a separate field within the church.
This will benefit the church and church members.
Probation officers, social workers and other agencies are at
tempting an almost impossible job. They have too much work,
and are retarded by inadequate playgrounds and a lack of other
necessary facilities. But no one has placed a simple and uniform
plan in the hands of church members, showing what to do and how
to do it.
A UNIFORM PLAN FOR ALL CHURCHES

(a)

(b)

Selected members would act as sponsors for their church,
and undertake to help boys and girls who may be placed
on probation by courts. Sponsors would not take charge
of the individuals but would attempt to establish a friendly
relationship, and then guide these young people on a safe
course. Church members have no other responsibility since
the children remain in their homes or in a home provided
by the court.
Many members would serve as assistant sponsors. They
could help by exerting a good influence over these young

WHAT UNTRAINED WORKERS SHOULD KNOW

Co-operation between organizations and co-ordinating the ef
forts of individuals have received little attention; therefore,
helpful information is given below. This complete picture will
lead to a better understanding and will be especially helpful
to untrained members.
1. The immediate purpose of probation is to prevent these
youngsters from serving prison sentences. Assistance from
church members will make present probation a greater success,
and it will increase the number on probation. Only churches
have a sufficienr force to provide this help.
2. It is necessary for church people to understand what not
to do, and to know what they can do and how to do it.
3. Only Judges and probation officers can handle certain cases—
mental disorders, criminal tendencies, diseases and sex com
plexes, but there are other cases which are less difficult.
4. The less difficult are cases where unfortunate circumstances
or ignorance on the part of youngsters has brought them into
trouble. Such cases should be accepted by church people.
5. Church members should rely upon the professionals for
advice in selecting and in attempting to help chese youngsters.
But there should be a directing head in each church or com
munity to give simple advice without unduly disturbing pro
fessionals. (Professionals are the Probation Officers and
Welfare Workers.) This will increase the efficiency of church
people and prove beneficial to all concerned.

�6. Spiritual and material needs in the homes of unfortunate
people must be met. This creates an immense amount of
detail and follow-up work. Since probation officers and
welfare workers are overloaded, church people can take over
problems which come within their sphere of activity. This
teamwork will achieve results.
7. As Welfare Agencies and Crime Prevention Bureaus, also
Protestant, Catholic, Jewish and other organizations are
engaged in this work, it is important that church people
study and learn how to avoid duplication, bypass friction,
and achieve the maximum co-operation everywhere.
8. The activities of church people should not be limited to
young people alone. Older people are being discharged and
paroled by courts, jails and penitentiaries. Church members
can help these people to find jobs, and can encourage them
to attend church and to lead better lives. You and I might
be "in their shoes” except that Providence gave us better
opportunities.

A TRUE STORY

The following is a true story of an incident which occurred some
time ago in a Virginia city. This shows that church people can
do the best work with cases where ignorance and unfortunate
circumstances are responsible for juvenile delinquency.
A church officer was in the Juvenile Court in behalf of a young
man who had been arrested so many times it seemed necessary
to send him to prison. The churchman, who was known to the
Judge, explained that ignorance had caused most of the trouble,
and then offered the facilities of his church.
The Judge gladly accepted the offer and the churchman imnediately arranged for his minister to talk with the young man,
The talk resulted in his agreeing to change his life and to rely
on church influence for help. Members of the Bible Class were
largely instrumental in saving this young man. Today, he is a
church member and a valuable citizen. Church members can
help unfortunate youth in many ways.

SOME NECESSARY STEPS

It is necessary that churches, Juvenile Courts and welfare
agencies unite and publish in pamphlet form the details of
"What Churches Can Do For Juvenile Delinquency.” Information
and instructions for the pamphlet are contained in this outline
and are available from court and welfare files. Probation and
welfare officials must supply the approach, caution and sphere
of activity for guidance of church members.
It is important that each church set up a definite plan to do
some welfare work, then advise the Juvenile Court that its
request for assistance will have prompt attention, as illustrated
in the true story above.
WE ARE GOING BACKWARDS

With some variations, this uniform plan for church members has
been used for years by a few churches and by a few individuals.
It could be in general use, but our church organizations are
pitifully insufficient.
Churches have not been effective in stopping world turmoil.
Leadership is exceedingly rotten. W need better leaders, more
e
probation officers, more welfare workers, more playgrounds and
more effective church management.
When ninety-five million church people in America are organized
efficiently, there will be workers and success. W must under
e
stand God’s plan, and halt world turnmoil.
Remedies for Juvenile Delinquency and Major Crime are known,
and they are available now. So much talk and so little action
are ludicrous. Communist leaders are efficient; Christian leaders
are inefficient. Let’s wake up and do a better job.
O n ly churches have s u ffic ie n t o rg a n iz a tio n s and members to
stop J u v e n ile D e lin quency. There is no other remedy.

8/20/54

THE END

�C O P Y
1712 Walnut Street
Philadelphia, Penna.
January 16, 1877

Edward C. Robinson, Esq.
Amelia C. H., Virginia
Dear Sir:

Your very kind letter of the 9th inst. has been
received, and I reciprocate your wishes for a happy and
prosperous New Year to yourself and family the coming
season. I can also enter into your feelings of regret
that your property did not relieve you from your entire
obligations; you are not alone in this great andhumiliating disappointment, it appears to belong to the age,
brought about by great error in statesmanship and
national brotherhood: from present appearances, I fear
we of the North have not yet received our full propor
tion of punishment and ruin.
I hope your intended change will be beneficial to
your interest and that peace and tranquility may be
restored to your family and self.
Do not consider yourself under any obligations of
a pecuniary nature to iqyself, had I been able to do so,
as in the past, I would have attempted to relieve you
and kept the homestead in your possession. I enclose
your note cancelled, and to relieve your "amour propre",
if you ever feel able, without infringing upon your
obligations to the other members of your family,
present the amount to your daughter, who is spending
her love, youth and energy in Tennessee in an attempt
to the best of her ability to relieve a kind parent
from his embarrassment.
Yours respectfully,
Rathwell Wilson
(This is a wonderful letter from a Yankee to a Rebel,
( q grandfather) showing great sympathy for and insight
ry
into problems of the South, largely the subject of this
booklet.)
-

26

-

-27.

�TO PEOPLE WHO OPPOSE MIXED SCHOOLS

The word SEGREGATED is incorrectly and unwisely used in
referring to separate schools. God did not segregate, but He
separated races by placing them on different continents. There
fore, people should move slowly in adopting mixed schools in
the South.
This booklet presents the facts, and it will create public
sentiment for separate but equal schools. |f you boost distribu
tion of booklet, you will have a powerful advance agent working
for the success of your plans.
I have neither the money nor organization to distribute the
booklet. |f the demand is large it can and will be sold at less
than 50^. At this time the price is:
Single copy $1.00 or 3 for $2.00 (Postpaid)
T . F. Epes
P. 0 . Box 2309
Richmond 17, Virginia

-

28 -

N.B.

It seems impossible for respectable people to under
stand why problems relating to honest government,
public schools, Juvenile Delinquency, alcohol, and sex
immorality are so d ifficult. When we realize the power of
communistic and subversive organizations we w ill
recognize a big part of our stupidity. Why not wake up?

�Will These S u g g e s t i o n s
For Public S chool s a n d Crime P r o b le ms
Help P e o p l e to Think C o r r e c t l y ?

RE-READ - - STUDY - - ANALYZE

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                    <text>LEGAL STATUS OF
SEGREGATED SCHOOLS

P a rt I o f a S tudy on the Status o f the
Education o f Negroes

Joint Committee of the National Education Association
and the American Teachers Association

�JO IN T C O M M ITTEE O F TH E
NATIONAL ED U CA TIO N ASSOCIATION AND T H E
AM ERICAN TEACHERS ASSOCIATION
1952-53
Representing ATA

Representing NEA
A. C . C ap p s
School of Education
University of Missouri
Columbia, Missouri

“A m b ro s e C a l i v e r

Assistant to the Commissioner
U. S. Office of Education
Washington, D. C.

“ M a r io n W . F o x

C. H a t c h
State Department of Education
Montgomery, Alabama
R o b e rt

121 North Hartford Avenue
Atlantic City, New Jersey

C. N e w b o ld
Retired State Agent for Negro Schools
Raleigh, North Carolina
N.

°J. R u p e r t PiconExecutive Secretary
Virginia Teachers Association
Richmond, Virginia
Pa

ul

LEGAL STATUS
OF SEGREGATED SCHOOLS

“W a l t e r N. R id le y

Virginia State College
Petersburg, Virginia

Part I of a study of the status of the
education of Negroes sponsored by
the Joint Committee of the National
Education Association and the Amer
ican Teachers Association

“H. C o u n c i l l T r e n h o l m , President
Alabama State College
Montgomery, Alabama
M a ry L. W illia m s

R a n k in

Garnet High School
Charleston, West Virginia— Chairman

Assistant Superintendent of Schools
Detroit, Michigan

1953-54
Representing NEA
A. C . C apps
School of Education
Columbia, Missouri
S a ra h L. L e ite r

4719 Homer Avffliue
Suitland, Maryland
C. N e w b o ld
Retired State Agent for Negro Schools
Raleigh, North Carolina
N.

“ J. R u p e r t P i c o t t
Executive Secretary
Virginia Teachers Association
Richmond, Virginia
Pa

ul

Ra

n k in

Assistant Superintendent of Schools
Detroit, Michigan

Representing ATA
“A m b ro s e C a l i v e r

Assistant to the Commissioner
U. S. Office of Education
Washington, D. C.
C. H a t c h
State Department of Education
Montgomery, Alabama
R o b ert

“ W a l t e r N . R id le y

Virginia State College
Petersburg, Virginia

“II. C o u n c i l l T r e n h o l m , President
Alabama State College
Montgomery, Alabama
M a ry L . W illia m s

Garnet High School
Charleston, West Virginia— Chairman

NEA Headquarters Contact
“R. B. M a r s t o n , Director, NEA Membership Division
“Subcommittee appointed to work with the NEA Research Division on the
studies (Part I and Part II).
[2]

National Education Association
1201 Sixteenth Street, N. W.
W ashington 6, D. C.

American Teachers Association
P. O. Box 271
M ontgomery, Alabama

January 1954
[3]

�The Fourteenth Amendment and Its Meaning
The question now placed before
the Supreme Court of the United
States is whether or not the Four
teenth Amendment to the Consti
tution of the United States is
violated by the states which edu
cate Negro children in schools
separate from white children. This
problem has been passed over
lightly in previous cases decided by
state supreme courts and lower
federal courts; it has never before
been presented to the Supreme
Court of the United States. Be
cause the Fourteenth Amendment
has entered into the historical back
ground of segregated schools, how
ever superficially, and is now the
main issue, it will be discussed be
fore the history of segregation in
the public schools is described.
T h e Fourteenth Amendment
contains five sections. Section 1
reads:
All persons born or naturalized in the
United States, and subject to the juris
diction thereof, are citizens of the United
States and of the State wherein they
reside. No State shall make or enforce
any law which shall abridge the privi
leges or immunities of citizens of the
United States; nor shall any State de
prive any person of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law; nor
deny to any person within its jurisdiction
the equal protection of the laws.

Section 2 defines the apportion
ment of representatives to Congress
among the several states and Sec
tion 3 prohibits officeholding bv
persons who, after taking an oath

to support the Constitution, subse
quently engage in insurrection or
give aid to the enemy, except that
this restriction may be overridden
by a two-thirds vote of each House
of Congress. Section 4 has to do
with Civil War debts. Section 5
empowers Congress to enforce the
Amendment.
Much of the controversy in Con
gress before the resolution, which
l a t e r became the Fourteenth
Amendment, was passed concerned
Sections 2 and 3. When the Con
gressional committee recommend
ed the resolution for passage by
Congress, its report contained the
following statement:
The conclusion of your Committee,
therefore, is that the so-called Confed
erate States are not, at present, entitled
to representation in the Congress of the
United States; that, before allowing such
representation, adequate security of fu
ture peace and safety should be required;
that this can only be found in such
changes of the original law, as shall de
termine the civil rights of all citizens in
all parts of the republic; shall place
representation on an equitable basis, shall
fix a stigma upon treason, and protect
the loyal people against future claims for
the expenses incurred in support of re
bellion and for manumitted slaves, to
gether with an express grant of power
in "Congress to enforce those provisions.
To this end. they offer a joint resolution
for amending the Constitution of the
United States . . . .
/Italics added/

In the debate it was said in the
House that Section 1 simply meant
[1
6

that whatever law punishes or pro
tects a white man should operate
in the same way upon the Negro.
In the Senate, Section 1 was said
to have two objectives: (a) to
make the prohibitions of the Bill
of Rights binding on the states and
compel them to respect these
rights, and (b) to abolish class
legislation in the states and do
away with injustices resulting from
subjecting one caste of persons to
a code not applicable to another.
The resolution was passed by
two-thirds vote of Congress and
sent to the state legislatures for rati
fication in 1866. The Southern
states rejected it; also three border
states—Delaware, Kentucky, and
Maryland. By a joint resolution the
Delaware legislature stated that
the Fourteenth Amendment “would
be an attempt to establish an
equality not sanctioned by the laws
of nature or of God.” Several
states rejected the Amendment and
later ratified it; several withdrew
t h e i r ratification after having
adopted it. However, 30 states
had ratified the Amendment by
July 1868, and the U. S. Depart
ment of State issued a proclama
tion to the effect that it had
become a part of the Constitution
by adoption in more than threefourths of the 36 states.
The right of enforcement of the
Fourteenth Amendment was em
bodied in Congress. Soon thereaf
ter a bill of rights was proposed to
implement the Amendment. Pro
posals of later vintage went thru

somewhat similar ups and downs
of debate. The legislative history
of 1870-1875 has special signifi
cance today because many of the
Congressmen who debated the is
sue then had helped frame the
Amendment, and today the Su
preme Court is considering (a) if
the Fourteenth Amendment was
meant to ban segregation or could
be so interpreted, and (b) if steps
taken in this direction should be
the responsibility of the Supreme
Court in interpreting the Amend
ment or of Congress in its enforce
ment.
Mr. Sumner of Massachusetts
sponsored a civil rights bill which
was adversely reported in 1870 and
again in 1871. In December of
1871, Mr. Sumner was successful
in attaching his civil rights pro
posal to the Amnesty Bill then un
der consideration in the Senate.
The purpose of this civil rights bill
was to clarify the meaning of the
Fourteenth Amendment, to make
certain that hotels, public convey
ances, and schools were open
equally to all. Debate was heated.
Some opponents felt that Con
gress had no right to legislate on
such matters as education, worship,
and amusement, which were as
pects of the private life of the peo
ple. Others opposed because the
civil rights bill did not assert or
affirm any right which the Negroes
did not already possess, and was
therefore unnecessary. Mr. Blair
of Missouri offered an amendment
to permit each locality or state to
1

�decide whether it should have
mixed or separate schools. He pro
posed a special election to de
termine the question, but h is
proposition was defeated by a vote
of 30 to 23.
In the meantime, Mr. Hereford
of West Virginia had introduced a
resolution declaring that it would
be contrary to the Constitution and
a usurpation of power for Congress
to force mixed schools upon the
states, but Mr. Hereford’s resolu
tion was also defeated.

A civil rights bill was finally
passed in 1875, but it omitted all
references to schools.1 Therefore,
the issue was left to the states in
dividually, and no subsequent leg
islation of Congress changed this
situation.
1 The foregoing historical summary is
based upon: Flack, Horace E. The Adop
tion of the Fourteenth Amendment.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press, 1908. 286 p.; Kenrick, Benjamin
B. The Journal of the Joint Committee
of Fifteen on Reconstruction, 1865-1867.
New York: Columbia University Press,
1914. 414 p.

History of Segregated Schools
Before the Civil War, most
states operated separate schools for
Negroes, and among these were
many Northern states.

E arly Practices of States
Massachusetts. Separate primary
schools had been established in
Boston since the early 1800’s. They
were originally opened at the re
quest of Negro residents whose
children could not attend the regu
lar public schools because of the
prejudice existing against them. In
1846 certain Negroes petitioned the
school committee to abolish the
separate schools and permit their
children to attend the schools for
white children. After due delibera
tion the school committee passed
a resolution that continuance of
the separate schools “is not only
legal and just, but is best adapted
to promote the education of that
class of our population.” The issue
was taken to the Massachusetts
courts where it was argued that
the separate schools constituted an
injury, not a benefit, to both races,
because it tended to create a feel
ing of degradation in the Negroes
and of prejudice and uncharitable
ness in the whites. The Massa
chusetts court said:

This prejudice, if it exists, is not cre
ated by law, and probably cannot be
changed by law. Whether this distinc
tion and prejudice, existing in the opin
ion and feelings of the community, would
not be as effectually fostered by com
pelling colored and white children to

[8]

associate together in the same schools,
may well be doubted.2

At any rate, the school commit
tee had made its decision and the
court found no ground upon which
to doubt the honest judgment of its
members. Since by law the school
committee had full authority over
the schools, the court held that the
matter was within the committee's
discretionary power.
This Massachusetts decision is
unique in that it is the only one
thruout all the intervening years
validating a local schoolboard’s
implied power to operate separate
schools. In all other cases, absence
of legislative authorization has
been held to prevent a local de
termination to separate school chil
dren by race or color.3
Therefore, attention must be con
centrated upon state constitutional
and legislative provisions authoriz
ing the maintenance of separate
schools. Today, segregation is a
live issue but it is contained most
ly in Southern states where state
constitutions and statutes provide
for separate schools. Fifty years
ago the problem was more wide
spread. Many of the Northern
states enacted legislative authority
for segregation in the public
3 Roberts v. Boston, 5 Cush. 198
(Mass. 1849).
3 Crawford v. District School Board for
School District No. 7, Klamath County,
137 Pac. 217 (Oreg. 1913) wherein
many other cases are cited in support of
the majority rule.

[9]

�schools immediately after the end
of the Civil War.

sachusetts,
saying:

Nevada. One of these was Ne
vada where an act of 1867 pro
vided that Negroes should not be
admitted to the public schools for
white children altho trustees might
provide a separate school for Ne
groes, to be supported out of pub
lic-school funds. This law made
a definite prohibition against ad
mitting Negroes to schools where
white children attended, and, by
use of the word “may,” left to local
trustees discretionary power but no
mandate to operate schools for Ne
groes. The courts ruled the law
to be unconstitutional. The state
constitution requires the legislature
to establish and maintain schools
for all children of school age; the
legislation did not mandate schools
for Negroes. As to the Fourteenth
Amendment, the court declined to
speculate but was of the general
opinion that the statutory violation
of the state constitution did not
necessarily violate the federal con
stitution.4 Thus, segregation did
not gain a foothold in Nevada.

. . . in the circumstances that the races
are separate in the public schools, there
is certainly to be found no violation of
the constitutional rights of the one race
more than of the other, and we see none
of either, for each, though separated from
the other, is to be educated upon equal
terms with that other, and both at the
common public expense.5

previously

discussed,

Altho upholding segregation, the
court sounded a note of warning
that Negroes could not be exclud
ed from white schools unless there
was available a Negro school of
equal educational opportunities.
N e w York. New York had au
thorized separate schools by an act
of 1864. When this law was chal
lenged as a violation of the Four
teenth Amendment, the New York
court said that separate schools
“did not deprive children of Afri
can descent from the full and equal
enjoyment of any accommodation,
advantage, facility, or privilege ac
corded to them by law, and they
in no way discriminated against
colored children.”6
The court interpreted the Four
teenth Amendment to mean only
California. California’s segrega
that Negro children should have
tion law, enacted in 1869, was like the same privilege of obtaining an
Nevada’s except that the word education with equal facilities; that
“shall” was used in place of “may.” they receive such education in sep
Thus, educational opportunities arate schools did not impair any of
were required for Negro children. their legal rights. The effect of
When the law was challenged in
San Francisco, the California court
5 Ward v. Flood, 48 Calif. 36 (Calif.
relied on the Roberts case in Mas- 1874).
* State v. Duffy, 7 Nev. 342 (Nev.
1872).

8 People v. Gallagher, 93 N.Y. 438
(N.Y. 1883) followed in People v.
Queens School Board, 56 N.E. 81 (N.Y.
1900).

[ 10]

this decision was negated by pro
hibitory legislation enacted in 1945.
Ohio a n d Indiana. Ohio’s seg
regation law, upheld as constitu
tional,7 was repealed in 1887.
Indiana, another Northern state,
authorized separate schools in 1869
and again in 1877, leaving the
question to local determination.
This law was upheld as constitu
tional in 1874.8* In 1926 the statute
was challenged as violating the
state constitutional provision for a
uniform school system open equal
ly to all. The court then said:
. . . uniformity will be secured when all
the schools of the same grade have the
same system of government and dis
cipline, the same branches of learning
taught, and the same qualifications for
admission. The classification of scholars
on the basis of race or color, and their
education in separate schools, involve
matters of domestic policy which are
within the legislative discretion and con
trol, and do not amount to an exclusion
of either class. The Legislature has the
power to provide for either separate or
mixed schools.®

In 1931, white pupils in a partic
ular school went on strike after Ne
gro pupils in Grade X had joined
them, having been transferred from
a Negro school that had been op
erating the first 10 grades. The
schoolboard allegedly broke the
strike by promising to remove the
Negro pupils within 90 days. They
7 State v. McCann, 21 Ohio St. 208
(Ohio 1872); State v. Buntin, 10 Fed.
730 (Ohio 1882).
8 Corey v. Carter, 48 Ind. 327 (Ind.
1874).
0 Greathouse v. Board of School Com
missioners of Indianapolis, 151 N.E. 411
(Ind. 1926).

were moved back to the Negro
school after the Christmas vacation
and therefore took judicial action
on grounds of discrimination. The
court found that the forced attend
ance of these pupils at the Negro
school was justified not only on the
basis of racial segregation but also
because it was the school to which
they should be assigned on the
basis of residence. . Since equal op
portunities were offered in Grade
X of both schools, no discrimina
tion had occurred.10
Possibly separate schools were
the typical and ordinary pattern in
the country as a whole during the
last half of the 19th century. In
diana did not repeal its enabling
act until 1949. However, much
earlier, many other Northern states
outlawed segregation by explicit
constitutional or statutory provi
sions.
Illinois a n d Michigan.
Illinois
a n d Michigan courts decided
against separate schools in the first
few years after the end of the Civil
War. The Michigan court held in
1869 that Detroit could not refuse
admission of Negroes to the regu
lar public schools for white chil
dren because a statute enacted in
1867 provided that “all . . . shall
have equal right to attend any
school.”11 Illinois in 1874 had ju
dicial precedent that separate

10 State v. Wirt, 177 N.E. 441 (Ind.
1931).
n People v. Board of Education of De
troit, 18 Mich. 400 (Mich. 1869).

[ii]

�schools were unconstitutional.12 A
few years later Negro children
were refused admission to the
white school in an Illinois school
district and were sent to a distant
school for Negroes. In the original
trial of this case, the court refused
to admit evidence of actual refusal
of Negroes at the white school, altho it made the following abstract
comment:
It may be that the wisest of both races
believe that the best interests of each
would be promoted by voluntary sepa
ration in the public schools, and while
such voluntary action, not in violation
of law, could not be interfered with by
the courts, yet the law is too plain for
argument, and has been often decided,
that no child otherwise entitled to attend
any public school in this state can, on
account of the color of such child, be ex
cluded, directly or indirectly, from such
school by any school officer or public
authorities.1
3

A new trial was ordered because
the court had erroneously refused
admission of evidence as to wheth
er or not the Negro children had
been refused admission to the
white schools. On retrial it was
shown that such refusal had oc
curred and that the Negro children
had been discriminated against on
account of color when they had
been excluded from a certain mixed
school and required to attend a
separate school.14 This incident in
Illinois shows that even in 1901, in
1 Chase v. Stephenson, 71 HI. 383
3
(111. 1874).
1 People v. Alton, 54 N.E. 421 (111.
3
1899).
1 People v. Alton, 61 N.E. 1077 (HI.
4
1901).

states where segregated schools
had been declared illegal, attempts
were made on occasion to separate
Negroes from white pupils.
N e w Jersey.
Another incident
occurred in New Jersey where the
law explicitly prohibited exclusion
because of “color.” A mulatto child
was excluded and the schoolboard
argued that it had acted within the
law. No exclusion had been or
dered because of color; the schoolboard did not exclude a n y pupils
because of color; an Italian, it said,
might be as dark-skinned as the
mulatto and the Italian would not
have been excluded. The mulatto
had been refused admission be
cause of race, not color, and the
law did not prohibit exclusion on
account of race; the law referred
only to color. The court held that
the meaning of color in this coun
try was well established historical
ly; that the law meant race and not
the skin color of Caucasians.15

Segregation Abandoned
Outside the South
As time went on, segregation was
abandoned in most of the Northern
states. Negroes were aided by con
stitutional and statutory provisions
prohibiting discriminations because
of race or color. Some of these pro
visions were general; however,
identical general statements were
variously interpreted. Six state
constitutions — Indiana, Montana,
“ State v. Union District School Trus
tees, 46 N.J.L. 76 (N.J. 1884).

[12]

New Mexico, North D a k o t a ,
South Dakota, and Utah—provided
that the public schools shall be
“equally open to all.” In four of
these states the courts have not
been called upon to interpret this
general provision in the light of its
meaning regarding separate schools
for Negroes. Two—Indiana and
New Mexico—by legislation pro
vided for separate schools, but
these statutes have now been re
pealed (Indiana in 1949 and New
Mexico in 1951).
Three other states have a differ
ent kind of general provision in
their constitutions.
Iowa, Ne
braska, and New York constitutions
provide that the legislature shall
provide for the education of all the
children of the state. The Iowa
court held in 1868 that this pro
vision prohibited exclusion of Ne
gro children and precluded the
maintenance of separate schools for
them.10 This decision was fol
lowed by other cases in the next
decade and well established the
practice of mixed schools in Iowa,
altho there is not explicit constitu
tional or statutory provision on the
point. New York’s constitutional
provision for the education of all
the children of the state was held
not to prevent legislation establish
ing separate schools for Negroes,as
has been pointed out, but New
York negated this interpretation by
legislation in 1945 prohibiting sepa-

rate schools. The issue has not
arisen in Nebraska.
Constitutions of five states are
more explicit. Colorado, Idaho,
Washington, and Wyoming consti
tutions prohibit distinctions or
classifications on the basis of race
or color (altho Wyoming by statute
permits segregation). New Jersey’s
constitution is now even more
explicit, prohibiting any segrega
tion in the public schools. Some
what similar statutory provisions
have been found in 10 other states:
Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana (since
the 1949 amendments), Massachu
setts, Michigan, Minnesota, New
York, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island,
and Wisconsin.
This survey, therefore, results in
a total count of 22 states that have
taken positive steps by consti
tutional or statutory provisions to
prohibit segregated schools. No
constitutional or statutory provi
sions either permitting or prohibit
ing separate schools have been
found in seven states: California,
Maine, Nevada, New Hampshire,
Ohio, Oregon, and Vermont. In
the other 19 states segregation is
practiced on the basis of constitu
tional or statutory permissive or
mandatory provisions.

Segregation Today

Among the 19 states currently op
erating segregated schools is Del
aware which, it may be recalled,
is one of the states that rejected
the Fourteenth Amendment. Dela
1
8
Clark v. Board of Directors, 24 Iowa
ware is also one of the states which
266 (Iowa 1868).
[13]

�is currently interested in a case
pending before the Supreme Court
of the United States in an attempt
to continue segregated schools.
Fifteen of the 19 states where
separate schools are maintained do
so by constitutional mandate on a
statewide basis, and four by statu
tory provisions—two of which are
mandatory and two optional on the
part of the local board. The in
fluence of the South in this respect
can be shown in the development
of segregated schools in Kansas.
Kansas was settled just before the
controversy over slavery reached
its peak. Its settlers came from the
North and from the South, with
divergent views with regard to Ne
groes. Even today the Negro pop
ulation is small, being slightly
under 4 percent of the total. How
ever, 90 percent of the Negroes re
side in cities of the first class,
defined as being over 15,000 in pop
ulation. During the 1880’s Kansas
experienced what has been called
“the black exodus” when large
numbers of Negroes from the South
settled in Kansas cities. Therefore,
Kansas law made a distinction be
tween schools in cities and schools
outside the larger localities. Kan
sas law prohibits separate high
schools in first-class cities, making
an exception of Kansas City.
Twelve cities, including Topeka,
fall into the population category of
first-class cities. It is the Topeka
situation which is before the Su
preme Court of the United States

today. Topeka was settled mainly
by Northern whites, but segregated
schools began about 1900.
The Kansas courts interpreted
the statutory restriction on segre
gated schools to mean a tacit au
thorization for segregation at the
elementary-school level, since the
law is silent regarding elementary
schools.1 A number of cases have
17
*
1
arisen in Kansas from the early
1900’s to the case now pending be
fore the United States Supreme
Court. Several second-class cities at
tempted to segregate Negro ele
mentary-school pupils but this was
held to be outside the scope of the
permissive law which applies only
to first-class cities.18 It was not al
ways certain where elementary
grades ended in first-class city
school systems and where highschool grades began, leading to
controversies as to which grades
could and could not be segre
gated.19 In all these cases con
stitutionality was upheld follow
ing an early decision where the
state supreme court denied the
argument that segregation violates
the Fourteenth Amendment. In
1906 the Kansas court said that
“our attention is not called to any
provision of this amendment that
11 Reynolds v. Board of Education of
Topeka, 72 Pac. 274 (Kans. 1903).
1 Cartwright v. Coffeyville, 84 Pac.
8
382 (Kan. 1906); Woolridge v. Board of
Education of Galena, 157 Pac. 1184
(Kans. 1916); Thurman-Watts v. Coffey
ville Board of Education, 222 Pac. 123
(Kans. 1924).
1 Graham v. Board of Education of
9
Topeka, 114 P. (2d) 313 (Kans. 1941).

[14]

has been violated nor what is
claimed by the petitioner upon the
question.”20 The current case arose
in Topeka; pending decision by the
Supreme Court of the United States
the local schoolboard has taken
steps to eliminate segregation but
the statute remains in force.
Altho the Arizona law is not lim
ited to cities of a designated size,
as in Kansas, the statutes of these
two states are similar to the extent
that a distinction is made between
elementary- and high-school pupils.
Arizona law requires segregation
of pupils in all schools other than
high schools. The court has held
that this is mandatory at the ele
mentary level, regardless of the
number of pupils.21 Then, the law
also states that if 25 or more Ne
groes attend high school, the board
shall, upon petition of 15 percent
of the electors residing in the dis
trict, call an election to determine
whether they shall be segregated
or attend the white high school. If
a majority of the voters choose seg
regation on the ballot, which must
include an estimate of the cost of
operating the separate high school,
the board must comply and pro
vide equal accommodations and fa
cilities. These provisions apparently
give the board no choice at the
elementary-school level and permit
the residents to decide at the highschool level, if the district contains

25 or more Negro high-school pu
pils. However, the law also gives
schoolboards the general power to
classify pupils, and the state su
preme court has held that the
board’s general classification power
includes power to operate a sepa
rate high school, regardless of the
number of Negro high-school pu
pils, and without putting the matter
to the vote of the electors.22 In
other words, segregation in Arizona
is mandatory in elementary schools
and is optional with the board in
high schools, except that the board
may be compelled by the electors
to segregate high-school pupils if
there are 25 or more Negro highschool pupils.
No distinctions are made be
tween elementary- and high-school
pupils in the other 17 states. Fif
teen of these provide for separate
schools by constitutional provision.
These provisions vary somewhat,
altho the practice thereunder does
not differ to any great extent, and
the difference in language is incon
sequential in the main provisions.
Table 1 shows in column 3 the
states whose constitutions contain
the language quoted in column 1
of the table.
Since Table 1 refers only to con
stitutional provisions, it does not
include Arkansas, Arizona, Kansas,
and Maryland, as segregation in
these four states is not by constitu-

20 Richardson v. Kansas City Board of
Education, 84 Pac. 538 (Kans. 1906).
2 Harrison v. Riddle, 36 P. (2d) 984
1
(Ariz. 1934).

2
2
Burnside v. Douglas School District
No. 27, Cochise County, 261 Pac. 629
(Ariz. 1927) followed in Johnson v.
Douglas School District No. 27, Cochise
County, 261 Pac. 633 (Ariz. 1927).

[15]

�tion but by statute. The Arizona Judicial Interpretation
and Kansas laws have already been
Southern jurists took these pro
described. Arkansas merely charges visions for separate schools very
local schoolboards with the power seriously. One drop of Negro
and duty of establishing separate blood was sufficient to justify ex
schools for white and Negro pupils. clusion in some states; in others
Segregation in Maryland is actually one-sixteenth or one-eighth part
by implication rather than by di Negro was the statutory line. In
rect requirement. The statutory decision after decision, state su
provision regarding admission of preme courts and lower federal
pupils refers to “white youths.” courts upheld segregated schools
Another section of law empowers under a variety of circumstances.
schoolboards to establish schools In at least one of the Southern
for colored children when the col states an equal rights provision
ored population warrants. Under was written into the state constitu
these provisions separate schools tion adopted immediately after the
became accepted practice, and on end of the Civil War, but it was
the basis of established practice given little practical effect, at least
growing out of the statutory impli as far as the schools were con
cation, the courts have held that cerned. The Mississippi Constitu
Negroes cannot compel admission tion adopted in 1869 stated that no
to the white schools.23
money could be appropriated for
any charitable or public institution
2
3
Williams v. Zimmerman, 192 Atl.
that made a distinction among the
353 (Md. 1937).

TABLE 1
State Constitutional Provisions for Segregation of Races in Public Schools
Provision in state constitution

Number of
states
2

1
Separate schools shall be m aintained----- ......... 10

States with such provision
3
Ala., Del., Ga., Ky., La.
(between ages 6 and 16),
Miss., Mo., Okla., S. C.,
Texas

No school shall allow white and Negro
children to be received together in
the same school -------------------------------- ____ 1

Tenn.

No child of either race shall be permitted to attend a school of the other race —____ 2

Ala., S. C.

White and colored children shall not
be taught in the same school..................... ......... 3

Fla., Va., W. Va.

Children shall be taught in
separate schools ................ - ............ ......... ......... 1

N. C.

[16]

we do not know what its purpose was.
It does not inhibit distinction among citi
zens on account of race, color, or previous
condition, altho that was prominent when
the instrument came into being. It pro
hibits any distinction, on any ground, for
any cause, no matter what, among citi
zens. It surely does not mean that. It
is probable that it was a mere platitude,
intended to announce the general propo
sition for legislative observance that
equality and fairness must govern ap
propriation of public money for public
institutions. Despairing of ascertaining
its meaning, we take refuge in contempo
raneous practical interpretation . . . . 2*
4
/"Italics added/,

citizens thereof. A new constitu
tion had been adopted before the
Mississippi court had to interpret
the equal rights provision, and the
new constitution had omitted it.
Furthermore, the new constitution
required separate schools for Ne
groes, who challenged the educa
tional segregation as being in
violation of the Fourteenth Amend
ment and of the equal rights pro
vision of the state constitution of
1869.
The Mississippi court said mere
ly that the suggestion of violation
of the Fourteenth Amendment
was “without force.” Regarding
the equal rights provision of the
state constitution, the court did not
see that it applied. It would seem
to have been sufficient if the court
had said that the new constitution
superseded the old one, and omis
sion of the equal rights provision in
the new constitution ended its ef
fect. Instead of so ruling, how
ever, the court pondered over the
meaning of the provision in the su
perseded constitution, as follows:
Whatever the effect and purpose of
that provision, it cannot be held to deny
the legislature the right to make separate
provision for the different races in the
matter of schools, and it was admissible
for the legislature to authorize the es
tablishment and maintenance of schools
for whites and schools for Negroes. If
not, much that has been done is viola
tion of the constitution. The practical
interpretation of the constitution, begun
soon after its adoption, and continued
until it was superseded, forbids the idea
that this declaration of the constitution
forbade public support of separate schools
for the different races . . . . We confess

Segregation, in and of itself, was
considered constitutional whenever
challenged in any of the states hav
ing constitutional or statutory
authorization therefor, but the gen
eral principle developed to require
that the separate schools offer Ne
groes equal educational opportuni
ties. What “equal opportunities”
means is to be discussed in the
next section of this report. Here
it should be pointed out that not
all the 15 state constitutions shown
in Table 1 leave the question of
equality of opportunity open to lo
cal determination and judicial re
view thereof. Kentucky prohibits
distinction in the apportionment of
state aid; Delaware prohibits any
distinction in the apportionment of
state aid for teachers’ salaries; Flor
ida and Texas declare that im
partial provision shall be made for
both races; North Carolina requires
that there shall be no discrimina2 Chrisman v. Brookhaven, 12 So. 458
4
(Miss. 1893).

[17]

�The Equal Opportunities Rule
It was pointed out earlier that a
number of states with constitution
al provisions requiring separate
schools have limitations requiring
equal opportunities in the schools
for Negroes. Aside from these pro
visions, however, courts of many
states have ruled that opportunities
must be equal to satisfy the re
quirements o f t h e Fourteenth
Amendment and similar provisions
of state constitutions declaring the
policy of equal protection of the
laws.
The applicable language of the
Fourteenth Amendment is the
“equal protection of the laws”
clause, not the clause prohibiting
states from abridging privileges
and immunities, because the latter
refers only to rights of individuals
as citizens of the United States.
In 1874 the Supreme Court of the
United States distinguished be
tween rights of individuals as citi
zens of the United States and their
rights as residents of a state.30
Since education is a state function,
the Fourteenth Amendment clause
guaranteeing equal protection of
the laws is the basis upon which
the equal opportunities rule was
founded in the evaluation of edu-

cational offerings in separate
schools. This point is mentioned
briefly here because attorneys in
a few cases have erroneously
grounded their arguments on the
privileges and immunities clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment, and
found that education was not with
in the guarantee.
In cases where Negroes have
sought admission to the white
schools, they have in the past more
often challenged the accommoda
tions in the Negro schools than
urged the unconstitutionality of
segregation itself, altho occasional
ly it has been a secondary plea. In
cases where they have not sought
admission to the white schools, ap
parently accepting the principle of
segregation, they have challenged
the quality of the schools main
tained for them, on the ground of
violation of the equal opportunities
rule.
Altho mentioned in a few earlier
cases, one of the first definite state
ments setting forth the equal op
portunities rule came from Indiana
when the separate-schools enabling
act was upheld as constitutional.37
The same principle was stated in
Ohio shortly thereafter.38* It then
became necessary to evaluate the
circumstances of each case to de
“ Slaughter House Cases, 16 Wall. 36
termine whether accommodations
(U.S.S.C. 1873). See excellent discus

sion of the application of the Slaughter
House Cases to school segregation in:
Carber, Lee O. “Appendix.” The Year
book of School Law, 1952. Philadelphia:
the Author (3812 Walnut St.), 1952.
p. 75-105.

3 Corey v. Carter, 48 Ind. 327 ( Ind.
7
1874).
:M United States v. Buntin, 10 Fed. 730
(Ohio 1882).

[20]

were equal or unequal at the Ne
gro school involved. No general
definition of educational equality
could be made. The courts usually
held that substantial equality suf
ficed and that identity of oppor
tunities was not necessary.30
Equality of opportunity was
measured in some cases by an iso
lated aspect of the school system;
in other cases the entire school
program was reviewed by the
courts. Size of school, number of
schools in comparison with number
of pupils, school construction and
equipment, length of term, distance
from home to school, courses of
study offered, qualifications of
teachers, and classification of grade
levels were some of the points con
sidered by the various courts.
In Kansas and North Carolina
it was held that schools for white
pupils can be larger and more
numerous in districts where the
white population is larger, that
smaller schools or fewer schools for
Negroes in such districts does not
constitute inequality.40 In Okla
homa the court held that inequali
ty existed when t h e N e g r o
population of a district was larger
than the white population and the
value of the Negro school was
much lower than the value of the
white school.41

Equality in length of term was
set forth as one of several qualifi
cations of equality in the L o w e r y
case by the North Carolina court,
and the Jones case in Oklahoma
held that- a nine-month term for
whites and a seven-month term for
Negroes was evidence of inequali
ty. Also, in Kentucky the court
pronounced unequal a situation
wherein white pupils attended
school for nine or 10 months while
Negro pupils had a three-month
session.42 On the other hand, a
Kentucky court did not disapprove
as unequal another situation where
schools for Negroes were operated
for eight months in a district where
schools for white pupils were main
tained for a nine-month session.43
In this case the court implied that
discrimination should be deter
mined with respect to faculty, fa
cilities, or equipment only and no
discrimination was alleged on these
points.
Educational opportunities with
regard to the period the schools
were open were considered also in
Florida when a schoolboard or
dered a split session for Negro pu
pils. It was during the bean-har
vesting season and 95 percent of the
bean pickers were Negro. The
schools for white children were not
closed during the season. The court
3 One of the earliest statements of held that the distinction was not
8
this idea was in Bertonneau v. Board of discriminatory because the school-

Directors, Fed. Cas. No. 1,361 (1878).
40 Reynolds v. Board of Education, 72
Pac. 274 ( Kans. 1903); Lowery v. School
Trustees, 52 S.E. 267 (N.C. 1905).
4 Jones v. Board of Education, 217
1
Pac. 400 ( Okla. 1923).

4 Claybrook v. Owensboro, 16 Fed.
3
297 (Ky. 1882).
4 Board of Education of Brea v. Bal
3
lard, 185 S.W. (2d) 538 (Ky. 1945).

[ 21 ]

�n

statement made by the Maryland
Supreme Court in 1937:

lege level when it required the
University of Missouri to admit a
Possibly there might be, under some Negro to its law school, there being
circumstances, inequalities encountered in Missouri no law school for Ne
in dealing with the two races separately groes. The state had provided outthat would render the maintenance of the
of-state scholarships for Negroes so
separation inconsistent with the constitu
tional requirement of equal protection of that they could obtain education
the laws, but the allowance of separate in fields not available within the
treatment at all involves allowance of state, especially at the graduate
some incidental differences, and some in
a n d professional levels.
The
equalities, in meeting practical problems
presented. And it is the opinion of the Court, however, held that this sub
court that the differences here amount to stitute was not an equal opportuni
no more. Inequalities in the separate ty.55 From that decision onward, a
elementary school teaching are com
number of cases were brought by
plained of as having an effect to deny the Negroes seeking specialized college
colored children equal opportunities to
qualify for the examinations, and thus training in such fields as journal
equal access to the high school course, ism, law, and education. In each
instance the Court held that the
but this could not be remedied by ad
mitting to a high school a child who is state must admit Negroes to white
not fitted for it. The remedy would have institutions or provide equal educa
to be one reaching farther back.1
1
*
tional opportunities in an institu
The similarity between the Kan tion for Negroes, and equality of
sas and the Maryland opinions lies opportunity seemed to have been
in the implication, if not direct given a more precise definition
statement, that segregation in and than ever before. It was held that
of itself cannot avoid some minor admission of a Negro to a white
inequalities, especially if the evalu college was not enough if he were
ation is made with respect to op required to sit in the classroom
portunities offered in individual apart from the white pupils, read
cases rather than with respect to in the library at a table by himself,
the school population as a whole. and eat in the college dining room
Until 1938, courts made general at a separate table.50 This decision
statements that educational oppor suggests that the right to equal op
tunities in separate schools must be portunities is a personal right that
substantially equivalent, but no ef would preclude in the future such
fort seems to have been made to decisions on the public-school level
require identical opportunities in as have been rendered to the ef
individual cases. In that year the fect that there is no inequality beSupreme Court of the United States
85 State ex rel. Gaines v. Canada, 305
started a new movement at the col“ Williams v. Zimmerman, 192 Atl.
353 (Md. 1937).

U. S. 337 (U.S.S.C. 1938).
“ McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Re
gents for Higher Education, 339 U. S.
637 (U.S.S.C. 1950).

[24]

cause some white schools are
poorer than some Negro schools
and some Negro schools are better
than some white schools.
Such an “averaging out” of op
portunities has occurred in several
cases such as the 1949 decision on
the Pulaski County, Virginia,
schools. In that case Negroes
charged that building facilities
were not equivalent but the court
used the “on the average” yard
stick. It was alleged that Negro
pupils suffered discrimination with
regard to transportation but the
court discovered that the buses
used to transport Negroes were less
crowded and traveled over better
roads than the buses transporting
white pupils. The high-school op
portunities were ruled to be equiv
alent; curriculum differences at all
levels were said to be “inconse
quential”; and there was no evi
dence that the compulsory attend
ance law was enforced more
strictly for whites than for Ne
groes.57
This was only one of several re
cent cases in Virginia. In 1948
King George County and Gloucest
er County schools were found to
have provided inferior schools for
Negroes.58 These cases made a
modern presentation of evidence—
blueprints, photographs, statistics,

and other objective data. In these
counties the courts examined the
construction of buildings, t h e
equipment and other facilities fur
nished, qualifications of instruction
al personnel, library facilities, and
transportation services. The in
equalities were ordered to be reme
died. No inequality was found in
Arlington County,50 but in Prince
Edward County the court ordered
admission of the Negro high-school
pupils to the high school for whites,
pending completion of construction
of a new high-school building for
Negroes.00 Negroes in Prince Ed
ward County appealed to the Su
preme Court of the United States
on the ground that moving their
children back and forth between
the two schools would constitute a
detrimental discrimination, a n d
that question has not been decided.
From the decisions in the college
cases the Supreme Court appears
to have given equality a new defi
nition so that each individual
Negro must be able to get an edu
cation identical with that available
to a white pupil of his age and
capabilities. Sufficient time has
not elapsed for the new principle
to show itself in new decisions in
state courts when inequality is
charged at the public-school level,
but it does seem that the type of
decision where white and Negro
6 Corbin v. County School Board of school facilities are averaged out
7

Pulaski County, 84 F. Supp. 253 (Va.
1949).
8 Smith v. School Board of King
8
George County; Ashley v. School Board
of Gloucester County, 82 F. Supp. 167
(Va. 1948).

“ Carter v. School Board of Arlington
County, 182 F. (2d) 531 (Va. 1950).
® Davis v. County School Board of
°
Prince Edward County, 103 F. Supp. 337
(Va. 1952).

[25]

�r

should be considered out of date.
An entirely different line of deci
sions may follow in the event segre
gation is continued. Of that there
is some doubt as Negroes are now
concentrating on the argument that
separate schools, even if equivalent
in facilities, deny them opportuni
ties by the mere fact that they are
separate. This is the issue now
pending before the Supreme Court

of the United States. Two poinls
are claimed: (a) segregation can
never provide equal opportunities
because there is inherent therein a
detrimental psychological effect
caused by the separation; and (b)
segregation is unconstitutional de
nial of equal protection of the laws,
regardless of its effects, or lack
thereof.

Cases Currently Before the Supreme Court
Five segregation cases were ar
gued before the Supreme Court of
the United States in December
1952.°1 Four of the five were con
cerned with state constitutional
provisions for separate schools; the
fifth, with segregation in the Dis
trict of Columbia. Three of the
first four cases were appealed by
Negroes from Kansas, South Caro
lina, and Virginia; the fourth was
an appeal by the state of Delaware
from a decree of the Delaware Su
preme Court ordering admission of
Negro children to white schools.
For the first time the Supreme
Court of the United States was
faced squarely with the question
of the constitutionality of segre
gated schools under the Fourteenth
Amendment of the federal Consti
tution.
Attorneys on both sides of sev
eral of these cases relied on an
1896 decision of the Court, referred
to as the Plessy case. The Plessy
case involved segregation in intra
state railroads in Louisiana.62 The
Court permitted the practice of
separating Negro and white pas
sengers. The case had nothing to
do with separate schools, but the
0 Brown v. Board of Education of To
1
peka, No. 8; Briggs v. Elliott, No. 101;
Davis v. County School Board of Prince
Edward County, No. 191; Bolling v.
Sharpe, No. 413; Gebhart v. Belton, No.
448. /’Numbers refer to docket numbers
in October 1952 term.7
0 Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537
3
(U.S.S.C. 1896).

[26]

Court’s decision included the fol
lowing statement:
Laws permitting and even requiring
their separation in places where they are
liable to be brought into contact do not
nection with schools for white and colored
race to the other, and have been gener
ally, if not universally recognized as with
in the competency of the state legislatures
in the exercise of their police power. The
most common instance of this is in con
nection with schools for white and colored
children which has been held to be
a valid exercise of the legislative power
even by courts of states where the po
litical rights of the colored race have
been longest and most earnestly en
forced.0
3

Altho several courts over the
years since the Plessy decision in
1896 have relied upon it in school
cases, it was pointed out in the
current cases that it should not be
a precedent upholding separate
schools since that was not the issue
on which the Plessy case was de
cided. Ordinarily, a court settles
only the issue before it in the spe
cific facts of the particular case.
Comments on the side are dicta,
not establishing precedents, but of
ten carrying considerable weight.
Attorneys in favor of segregation
argued that the Plessy decision had
risen “above the specific facts in
0 The case referred to in the quota
3
tion was the Roberts case in Massachu
setts, discussed on page 9 herein. It had
upheld separate schools but was decided
before the Fourteenth Amendment had
been adopted. Therefore, it was argued
in the current cases that it is not a prece
dent on the effect of the Fourteenth
Amendment.

[27]

�issue /in it/ and announces a doc
trine applicable to any social situa
tion wherein the two races are
brought into contact.” Since courts
are loathe to overrule precedents
unnecessarily, attorneys against
segregation voiced two opinions:
(a ) that the Plessy decision was not
a precedent for school cases be
cause the issue there was railroad
segregation; and (b) that the Court
could outlaw school segregation
without disturbing the Plessy de
cision because no inequality had
been found in the Plessy case,
whereas school segregation does
result in discriminatory inequality.
It was argued that segregation m
intrastate transportation had been
upheld only because no inequality
had been proved therefrom, where
as a psychological reaction resulted
from separation of the races in the
public schools. This kind of dis
crimination is “something apart
from the objective components of
the school system.”
In the South Carolina case evi
dence had been submitted showing
that the humiliation which Negro
children undergo in a separate
school is a permanent type of in
jury to their minds which is
actual and not theoretical.
Therefore, it was argued that
segregation in the public schools
could be outlawed under the
recent decisions of the Supreme
Court of the United States at the
college level where inequalities re
sulting from segregation had been
controlling—and the Plessy dictum

need not be considered. In the
Kansas case the lower court said
that segregation creates a sense of
inferiority in Negro children which
affects their motivation to learn,
that “segregation with the sanction
of law, therefore, has a tendency to
retard the educational and mental
development of Negro children.”
Despite this finding, the court in
that case had decided that segre
gation per se does not violate the
Fourteenth Amendment because
the Supreme Court had said so in
the Plessy decision.
Actually, in none of these five
cases was the issue o n appeal the
material inequalities of present
conditions. In the Kansas case no
allegation was made that the sepa
rate schools were inferior; pending
appeal of the South Carolina case,
the schools had been brought up to
a standard fixed by the lower court
as constituting equality; in Virginia
inequality was acknowledged but
was to be eliminated by immediate
improvements, and the inequality
was not in issue. Also, in Dela
ware, altho inequality had been
acknowledged, it was not the is
sue on appeal. In each of these
cases the real issue was whether
segregation in itself amounts to in
equality or unequal treatment un
der the laws, thus becoming un
constitutional under the Fourteenth
Amendment which prohibits the
states from denying the equal pro
tection of the laws to any person
within their respective jurisdic
tions.

[28]

In the fifth case, from the Dis
trict of Columbia, the issue was the
same except that it related to the
power of Congress under the Fifth
Amendment to provide for sepa
rate schools, and in fact whether
or not Congress had actually ever
authorized segregation in the Dis
trict of Columbia schools.
During oral argument of these
cases in December 1952, the Jus
tices asked many questions dealing
primarily with several specific
problems: (a) the possibility that
changed social and economic con
ditions of the nation since the Four
teenth Amendment had b e e n
adopted might have altered what
would have been a valid interpreta
tion of the meaning of the Amend
ment when adopted, and (b) the
practical consequences if segrega
tion were abolished. The Delaware
Court had taken the position, based
upon Supreme Court decisions in
the college cases, that immediate
admission of Negroes to white
schools was a necessary result of a
finding of unequal opportunities.
The progress that had been made
in other states, even after these
suits had originated, showed that
courts in other states had believed
in giving a grace period to correct
inequalities. The Court therefore
appeared to be disturbed by a third
question: (c) whether segregation,
if banned, should be wiped out ipso
facto, or given a period of time in
which to die off painlessly. One
might also find in the Justices’
questions a fourth problem that

may be stated as: (d) if segrega
tion is to be banned, should it be
accomplished by judicial decision
or by act of Congress.
Each attorney representing the
parties in these five cases was asked
one or more of these questions
during his oral argument. In most
cases the answers were not entirely
satisfactory. With regard to the
consequences if segregation were
banned, the attorney for the Kan
sas schoolboard admitted that no
serious results would ensue be
cause the Negro population in Kan
sas is small. There, the greatest
difficulty might be the assimilation
of Negro administrators; but the
attorney could not say that the
determination of whether or not to
outlaw segregation should depend
upon the proportion of Negroes in
the general population. The at
torney for the Virginia Negro pe
titioners stated that there are now
a sufficient number of teachers and
space to assimilate all the pupils,
but the attorney for the Virginia
schoolboard felt that it would be
impossible to raise public funds in
his state to support an integrated
school system because the taxpay
ers would refuse to vote bond is
sues. The Delaware appeal was
taken by the state because of the
“terrific impact” of the order of
the state court to admit Negro pu
pils to white schools—and this
speaks for itself on the question of
consequences.
From December 1952 until close
to the end of the 1952 term of the

[29]

�Supreme Court, decision on these
cases was awaited with mixed feel
ings. The South Carolina Consti
tution was amended so that if the
Court banned segregation the state
could continue separate schools
by abandoning its public-school
system. Plans were under way so
that state financial aid could be
given for the support of private
schools; all schools in the state
would be privately owned, but su
pervised and supported out of pub
lic funds.64 State and local school
authorities in other states maintain
ing separate schools hastened to
equalize educational opportunities
so that if segregation can be con
tinued after the Court rendered its
decision, they will be able to with
stand an onslaught of cases charg
ing unequal opportunities since
that principle is well established.
On June 8, 1953, the Court or
dered the five cases to be reargued
on October 12—held over from the
1952 term to the 1953 term to give
attorneys on both sides of each
case an opportunity to file new
briefs and argue anew on specific
questions the Court posed for them,
as follows:
0 It was early decided and universally
1
followed that the Fourteenth Amendment
does not refer to discriminations prac
ticed by individuals against individuals.
Private schools could be segregated
schools without violating a decision that
segregation in the public schools is un
constitutional. There is nothing in fed
eral law that requires a state to maintain
a public-school system; public-school
systems are mandatory only when so
specified in state laws.

1. What evidence is there that the Con
gress which submitted and the State
legislatures and conventions which
ratified the Fourteenth Amendment
contemplated or did not contemplate,
understood or did not understand,
that it would abolish segregation in
public schools?
2. If neither the Congress in submitting
nor the States in ratifying the Four
teenth Amendment understood that
compliance with it would require the
immediate abolition of segregation in
public schools, was it nevertheless the
understanding of the framers of the
Amendment
(a) that future Congresses might, m
the exercise of their power under
Sec. 5 of the Amendment, abolish
such segregation, or
(b) that it would be within the ju
dicial power, in light of future
c o n d itio n s , to construe the
Amendment as abolishing such
segregation of its own force?
3. On the assumption that the answers
to question 2(a) and (b) do not dis
pose of the issue, is it within the
judicial power, in construing the
Amendment, to abolish segregation in
public schools?
4. Assuming it is decided that segrega
tion in public schools violates the
Fourteenth Amendment
(a) should a decree necessarily fol
low providing that, within the
limits set by normal geographic
school districting, Negro chil
dren should forthwith be admit
ted to schools of their choice, or
(b) may this Court in the exercise
of its equity powers, permit an
effective gradual adjustment to
be brought about from existing
segregated systems to a system
not based on color distinctions?
5. On the assumption on which questions
4(a) and (b) are based, and as
suming further that this Court will
exercise its equity powers to the end

[30]

described in question 4 (b ),
(a) should this Court formulate de
tailed decrees in these cases;
(b ) if so, what specific issues should
the decrees reach;
(c) should this Court appoint a spe
cial master to hear evidence with
a view to recommending specific
terms for such decrees;
(d ) should this Court remand to the
courts of first instance with di
rections to frame decrees in these
cases, and if so, what general
directions should the decrees of
this Court include and what pro
cedures should the courts of first
instance follow in arriving at the
specific terms of more detailed
decrees?”

During the summer of 1953 the
Attorney General of the United
States asked the Court to postpone
reargument of these cases so that
the United States could file a brief.
December 7 was set for reargu
ment.
Early in December 1953, more
than 11 hours were devoted to re
argument of these five segregation
cases in the Supreme Court of the
United States. Attorneys on both
sides attempted to answer the
questions asked the previous June
by the Justices. Those seeking to
prove that the Fourteenth Amend
ment contemplated elimination of
segregated schools quoted from the
debates in Congress and in state
legislatures on the Amendment as
to its effects. Altho the comments
of any of these individuals could
not be considered conclusive evi
dence of the meaning of the
Amendment, it was urged that they
8 21 L.W. 3307, June 9, 1953.
5

indicated a general understanding.
Opponents stated that the mean
ing of the Amendment could not
be drawn from the crusade of radi
cal abolitionists because Congress
never went as far as these crusaders
wished. The rights of Negroes
were specifically protected in the
legislation creating the Freedmen’s
Bureau, and integrated schooling
was not included in the statute.
Furthermore, the Freedmen’s Bu
reau installed segregated schools
thruout the South. Insistence of
the sponsors of the Civil Rights
Acts of 1866 was quoted to the ef
fect that it did not outlaw school
segregation. The spokesman for
the U. S. Attorney General’s of
fice was of the opinion that the his
tory of the Fourteenth Amendment
did not support the claims made
by either side.
As to the question of the Court’s
power to construe the Fourteenth
Amendment as abolishing segrega
tion in the public schools, one
point of view expressed the idea
that the Fourteenth Amendment in
and of itself granted this power.
Another argument was that the Ju
diciary Act and an 1871 law grant
ing legal action to any person
deprived of a constitutional right,
together give the Court the power
and make it a duty to settle the
issue. On the other hand, it was
claimed that the Court had no
power to upset a precedent of 100
years’ standing under the stare d e
cisis rule.
("Stare decisis” means
that a court should stand by its de-

[31]

�cisions so that the law can be defi books and the integration in To
nite, known, and fixed.)
peka was merely a policy declara
It was generally agreed that if tion by the local schoolboard.
the Court rules against segregation,
With regard to the District of
it should remand the cases to the Columbia case it was argued that
lower courts for further action to the Court need not declare segre
implement its decision. The Jus gated schools violative of the Fifth
tices could not get much help from Amendment, but could decree that
the attorneys in the oral argument legislation enacted by Congress did
on the guiding instructions it not require segregation, that the
should send to the lower courts in schoolboard could permit Negroes
the event of such a decree.
to attend the white schools volun
On the question of immediate tarily and that the schoolboard had
abolition of segregation or its grad exceeded its authority in requiring
ual elimination, however, most of segregation. It was also argued
the attorneys were in favor of al that regardless of whether segre
lowing each state to move ahead at gated schools in the District of
its own speed. One of the lawyers Columbia were mandatory or per
for Negro appellants believed that missive, they were unconstitutional.
a year should be sufficient in any
Decision in these cases is not ex
location. In this connection, the pected before late spring of 1954.
Justices pointed out that the Kan The Court might rule that segrega
sas case was largely moot since tion per se constitutes inequality
Topeka had already taken steps to that must be eliminated within a
eliminate segregation and one of reasonable period of time; or it
the Negro children involved in that might rule that segregation per se
case had already been admitted to is not unconstitutional provided the
a white school while the others segregated schools offer complete
had been promised admission as equality of opportunity. On the
soon as arrangements could be other hand, the Court might decide
made. However, both sides of the that segregation is an issue subject
Kansas case declared that the issue to Congressional legislation but not
remained since the statute permit a question within its judicial
ting segregation is still on the power of determination.

[32]

k

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                    <text>�THIS WE BELIEVE
ABOUT
This Statement is not presented as a n official policy position of

EDUCATION

a n y educational, business, or industrial association. It is published
by the National Association

of

Manufacturers,

as a

public

service, in the interest of greater education-industry cooperation.

A Statem ent Concerning Education
in America

By the Educational Advisory Committee
and the Educational Advisory Council
of the

NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MANUFACTURERS
N E W YORK, N, Y.
Second printing— March 1954

�1953 N A M E d u c a t i o n a l A d v i s o r y C o u n c i l
c h a ir m a n

CONTENTS
About This S ta te m e n t................................................................................ 6

:

RUSSELL D . COLE,
Cornell College
M t. Vernon, Iowa

H . F. A l v e s , D i r e c t o r
Cooperative Program for School Administration
University of Texas
Austin, Texas

D a r e l M c Fe r r e n , H e a d
History D epartm ent
Hastings College
Hastings, N ebraska

R o b e r t W . A s h e , P r in c ip a l
Glendale U nion H igh School
Glendale, Arizona

Denver, Colorado

I

Introduction......................................................................................... 7

M r s . A n n e t t e M . Br a s e l
Jackson C ounty Schools
Braselton, Georgia

II

The Purposes of Education in A m e r ic a .............................................9

Ke n

The Support of E d u c a tio n ................................................................11

IV The Responsibilities of E ducators......................................................14

VI The Ultimate Responsibilityfor E ducation........................................ 24
VII

Summary: This We Believe AboutE d u c a tio n ...............................28

t o n , V is itin g T c a c h e r

d

D. Cr

hol t zer

M iss M a r y C. O ’C o n n o r ,
H istory D epartm ent
G irls Latin School
Boston, Mass.

H ead

Re v . T i m o t

hy

F. O ’L e a r y

S u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f S c h o o ls

Archdiocese of Boston
Boston, M assachusetts

ul l

W . W . Pa r k e r , P r e s id e n t
Southeast M issouri State College
Cape Girardeau, M issouri

S u p e r in te n d e n t o f S c h o o ls

P ort H uron, M ichigan
J a m e s H . D u c k r e y , P r e s id e n t
State Teachers College
Cheyney, Pennsylvania

T h o m a s F. R e a r d o n , P r in c ip a l
H art School
Stamford, Connecticut

H e n r y T . H e a l d , C h a n c e llo r
N ew Y ork University
N ew York, N ew York

Dea

n

M . Sc h w e ic k h a r

d

S t a t e C o m m i s s i o n e r o f E d u c a tio n

H e n r y E. H e i n , C h a ir m a n
Committee on Inter-American Cooperation
Board of Education
N ew York, N ew York
A. D. H o l

E. O b e r

R e v . E. J . O ’D o n n e l l , S.J., P r e s i d e n t
M arquette University
M ilwaukee, W isconsin

E u g e n e B. C h a f f e e , P r e s i d e n t
Boise Ju n io r College
Boise, Idaho
Ho w a r

V The Responsibilities of Industry to E d ucation .................................. 18

net h

S u p e r i n t e n d e n t o f S c h o o ls

T h o m a s H . Ca r r o l l , D e a n
School of Business A dm inistration
University of N orth Carolina
Chapel H ill, N o rth Carolina

III

P r e s id e n t

t

V ic e P r e s id e n t

St. Paul, M innesota
Jo

h n

J . Se id e l

A s s is ta n t S ta te S u p e r in te n d e n t fo r
V o c a tio n a l E d u c a tio n

State D epartm ent of Education
Baltimore, M aryland
W il l ia m S. V i n c e n t , E x e c u t i v e
Citizenship Education Project
Teachers College
Colum bia University
N ew York, N ew York

T he U niversity of Tennessee
Knoxville, Tennessee
V i n c e n t W . La n f e a r , D e a n
School o f Business Administration
University of Pittsburgh
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania

Ra y m o n d W a l t e r s , P r e s id e n t
University of Cincinnati
Cincinnati, Ohio

E d w i n A. L e e , D e a n
School of Education
University of California at Los Angeles
Los Angeles, California

L y n n T . W h i t e , J r .,
M ills College
O akland, California

[3]

P r e s id e n t

O ffic e r

�1953 N A M E d
c h a ir m a n

:

v ic e c h a i r m a n

u c a t io n a l

Adv

is o r y

Co

ROBERT H . W . W EL C H , JR.,
Jam es O. W elch Company
Cambridge, Mass.
:

m m it t e e
V i c e P r e s id e n t

H a r o l d F. Sil v e r , P r e s id e n t
Silver Engineering W orks, Inc.
Denver, Colorado

N IC L ia

T h o m a s J. Ba n n a n , P r e s id e n t
W estern Gear W orks
Seattle, W ashington

J. W a r r e n K i n s m a n , V i c e P r e s i d e n t
E. I. duPont de Nem ours &amp; Company, Incorporated
W ilm ington, Delaw are

N o r m a n D. B l a c k , J r ., P r e s id e n t
"T he Fargo Forum ”
Forum Publishing Company
Fargo, N o rth Dakota

E. J o

Am erican Silk Spinning Company
Providence, Rhode Island

J o h n T . Br o w n , P r e s i d e n t
J . I. Case Company
Racine, W isconsin

T. M . M a r t in , P r e s id e n t
Lion Oil Company
Eldorado, Arkansas

B. C. C o l c o r d , P r e s id e n t
W oodw ard Iron Company
Birm ingham , Alabama
(D eceased, A ugust 17, 1953)

F r e d M a y t a g , II, P r e s i d e n t
The M aytag Company
Newton, Iowa

s

Representing M anufacturing Trade
Associations Group

E. A. W a t k i n s , P r e s id e n t
W atkins, Inc.
W ichita, Kansas

C h e s t e r C. K e l s e y , M a n a g e r
Asbestos-Cement Products Association
N ew York, N ew York

C h a r l t o n H . Ly o n s , P a r tn e r
Lyons, McCord &amp; Logan
Shreveport, Louisiana

J a m e s L. C a m p , J r ., P r e s id e n t
Cam p M anufacturing Company
Franklin, V irginia

A d v is e r

C. W . A n d e r s o n , E x e c u t i v e V i c e P r e s i d e n t
Associated Industries o f the Q uad Cities
Rock Island, Illinois

R ic h a r d H . T u r k , P r e s id e n t
Pemco Corporation
Baltimore, Maryland

R. E. SALVATI, P r e s i d e n t
Island Creek Coal Company
H untington, W . Va.

is o n

Representing Industrial Relations Group

hn

Lo w n e s , J r ., P r e s i d e n t

and

G eneral M anager

H a r o l d C. M c C l e l l a n , P r e s i d e n t
O ld Colony Paint &amp; Chemical Co.
Los Angeles, California

D a r r a h Co r b e t , P r e s i d e n t
Smith Cannery Machines Company
Seattle, W ashington

J o h n H. M u r r i a n , P r e s i d e n t
W . J. Savage Company
Knoxville, Tennessee

G e o r g e L. D r a f f a n , P r e s id e n t
T he O hio Brass Company
Mansfield, Ohio
M a l c o l m P. F e r g u s o n , P r e s i d e n t
Bendix Aviation Corporation
D etroit, M ichigan

A. C. C o nde, E x e c u t i v e V i c e P r e s i d e n t
Indiana M anufacturers Association
Indianapolis, Indiana

M e m b e r s o f S p e c ia l E d u c a t io n S u b c o m m itte e
c h a ir m a n

:

ROBERT H . W . W EL C H , JR.

Educators

Industrialists

R u s s e l l D . Co l e
A. D. H o l t
E d w in A. L e e
K e n n e t h E. O b e r h o l t
T h o m a s F. R e a r d o n
D e a n M. Sc h w e ic k h a r

J o h n T. Br o w n
B. C. C o l c o r d
C. E. H a m i l t o n *
H. C. M c C l e l l a n
Ri c h a r d H . T u r k

zer
d

♦(P resident, Autom otive Gear W orks, Inc., Richmond, Indiana,
and M em ber 1952 N A M Educational Advisory Comm ittee)

Ra l p h A. P o w e r s , P r e s id e n t
Robertson Paper Box Company Inc.
M ontville, Connecticut

W a l t e r D. F u l l e r , C h a ir m a n o j
T he Curtis Publishing Company
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Representing State Associations Group

G e o r g e L. W e is s e n b u r g e r , P r e s id e n t
Keokuk Electro-M etals Company
Keokuk, Iowa

O s c a r C. P a l m e r , P r e s id e n t
Palmer Industries
Phoenix, Arizona

R. G. Fo l l is , C h a ir m a n o j B o a r d
Standard O il Company of California
San Francisco, C alifornia

W a r r e n W e b s t e r , J r ., P r e s id e n t
W arren W ebster Company
Camden, N ew Jersey

R ic h a r d S. R h e e m , P r e s id e n t
Rheem M anufacturing Company
South Gate, California

B o a rd

J. K. Sh i n n , P r e s id e n t
SEC M anufacturing Company
Miami, Florida

E. P. H a m i l t o n , P r e s i d e n t
H am ilton M anufacturing Company
T w o Rivers, W isconsin

M

[5]

�ABOUT THIS STATEMENT

T

THIS W E BELIEVE ABOUT EDUCATION
i

he Special Education Subcommittee of the Educational Advisory

Committee and the Educational Advisory Council of the National Asso
ciation of Manufacturers was appointed for one purpose—to focus attention
on areas of agreement between educators and industrialists which would serve
as a basis for better understanding and more effective cooperation between
these two groups. This Statement contains a brief outline of the premises and
the reasoning that led to specific areas of agreement, and a final recapitulation
of the Subcommittee’s conclusions.
The Educational Advisory Committee and the Educational Advisory
Council of the NAM, in a joint meeting on October 27, 1953, approved the
Statement of the Special Education Subcommittee which is presented here.
It is hoped that this effort will be received by both industrialists and educators
in the spirit of tolerant good will in which it was conceived and in which it
was conscientiously prepared. If the Statement makes a contribution to further
discussions which will result in better understanding and closer relationships
between Education and Industry, it will have served its major purpose.
Personally, and on behalf of the Special Education Subcommittee, I take
this opportunity to express our appreciation to Dr. F. Kenneth Brasted, Direc
tor, NAM Education Department, and to George H. Fern, Associate Director,
for their capable and untiring staff assistance rendered us throughout the
nearly two years of our meetings and deliberations. And I welcome this same
opportunity to write one sentence to, and about, my fellow-members of the
Subcommittee, both educators and industrialists. Their unwavering respect
for intellectual integrity, in others and in themselves, and their interest, co
operation, and painstaking labors in hammering out together this consensus,
made our association a rewarding and encouraging experience. We can take
much pride in the revealing and important fact that we began the job as
acquaintances and finished it as warm personal friends.
Robert H. W. Welch, J .
r

Chairman

[6]

IN T R O D U C T IO N

T

he National Association of Manufacturers, throughout its history,

has consistently supported Education in America. Strong statements have
been issued periodically, setting forth the beliefs and positions of Industry.
Yet the mutual confidence which so obviously should exist between Industry
and Education has suffered many shocks over the years.
At a meeting of the NAM Educational Advisory Committee held in
January, 1952, several leading educators were invited guests. They, too, it
developed, were concerned over an apparent deterioration in relationships.
Some of the causes seemed inadvertent and isolated, but there were also evi
dences of deliberate intent.
It was recognized that a great majority of American businessmen and
American educators have little or no criticism to make of each other, but over
the past several years attacks by some businessmen on the philosophy or prac
tices of some educators have been widely publicized. Similarly, there has been
articulate criticism of business and industry by some educators. Resentment
has resulted on both sides.
Anxiety was expressed at the January meeting lest the friction and mis
understanding increase. It was suggested that a Subcommittee could well be
established to study the situation and to propose constructive counteraction.
Thus the Special Education Subcommittee was conceived and appointed. It
comprised six industrialists from the NAM Educational Advisory Committee
and six educators from the NAM Educational Advisory Council.
At the outset, the Subcommittee agreed that misunderstanding and sus
picion between Education and Industry should be reduced to a minimum and
eliminated if possible, and that there should be established widespread and
general understanding, confidence, and cooperation between these two vital
groups in America.
Scrutiny of misunderstandings led the Subcommittee far afield. Among
causes for disagreement they found such factors as the proper boundaries of
academic freedom, objective teaching versus subjective indoctrination, respon
sibility for teachers’ actions and activities, and the distinction between justifi[7]

�able, constructive criticism and malicious attacks. Ultimately the Subcommittee
found itself considering the place of Education in American life—its purposes
and practices, its direction and support, and the real measure of Education’s
contribution to the happiness and welfare of the American people.
As the Subcommittee went beyond the limits at first contemplated for the
study, two questions arose. The first was why representatives of these two seg
ments of American society should be combining to make a joint appraisal of
one of them. In other words, if Industry and Education were to study Educa
tion, why should they not also take a look at Industry ? It was agreed that there
was no reason why they should not, but such a study was not this Subcommit
tee’s assignment. The second question was whether the Subcommittee was
duplicating the work of other organized groups, such as the Commission on
Financing Higher Education, and the Educational Policies Commission of the
National Education Association. Such was not the intent, but it did seem that a
brief survey of certain fundamentals regarding Education was necessary to
provide background and a clearly understood basis for the study.
Short summarizations of the most significant assumptions regarding fun
damental aspects of Education are included in this Statement in order to show
the lines of thought that led to the final conclusions.
The Subcommittee has endeavored to be fair and tolerant of conflicting
opinions. It sought to establish principles, or areas of agreement, broad enough
to be accepted by men of good will. It endeavored to clarify causes or areas of
disagreement. It tried to be practical, and to present a Statement that will be
a useful guide in determining future attitudes of individuals and organiza
tions, in both Industry and Education.
The conclusions reached are presented in a series of connected and con
trasting paragraphs in the final section of this Statement. Generally speaking,
the first paragraph under each point expresses the more liberal viewpoint. The
second paragraph records the more conservative opinion. It should be em
phasized that educators are not speaking in one paragraph and industrialists
in the other. The division of opinion was w ith in these groups and not b etw een
them.
The pattern for the final presentation was adopted because it seemed the
simplest way of presenting the areas of agreement in each particular discussion.
These paragraphs, summarizing THIS WE BELIEVE ABOUT EDUCA
TION, have been numbered and will be found beginning on page 28.

[8]

II
THE PURPOSES OF EDUCATION IN AMERICA

I

N t h e Ruins o f U r a room has been unearthed that was a school 4,500 years

ago. Clay tablets of instruction used there still exist. Schools and educa
tion have been a part of every known civilization. Education today is an accu
mulation, rather than a neat integration, of all the things education has been
in the past.
The specific purposes for which the first schools were established are not
known. By the time the prehistoric mist began to lift, education for religious
ends and education for secular ends both were established. The first of these
has continued, usually with clear-cut purposes (such as the training of new
members of a clergy), down through the ages. But secular education from
the beginning, whether imparted by laymen or by members of a priesthood,
has always had purposes more varied and less clearly defined.
It is recognized that two historic streams of culture and religion have
largely produced modern Western civilization: the ancient Greek tradition
and the Hebrew-Christian tradition. These two great currents continue to
influence profoundly the stream of life and education in the United States
of our own day.
Along with these there have developed scientific research and teaching,
and, utilizing both, modern technology which is producing the wonders of
mass production in manufacture, agriculture and commerce.
Modern western civilization, expanding its outlook and interests under
the stimulus of intellectual, political, social, and industrial advances, has
adopted many varied concepts of the purposes of education. The divisions and
subdivisions of the disciplines that are classified as education have been multi
plied until an almost infinite variety of purposes is the result.
Today there are insistent demands that major emphasis be placed on
academic education, or vocational education, or physical training, or relig
ious education, or training for citizenship, to name a few of the goals and
objectives. Within each of these categories there are equally insistent demands
that preference in time and attention be given to one division or another: as,
for instance, the preference for liberal arts versus the useful sciences in aca
demic education. Vocational education includes training for agriculture, in
dustry, business, and homemaking, with special programs for the continuing
education of out-of-school youth and adults. Each group of educators and
learners has its own understanding of the major purposes of education.
With many divergent opinions, it is inevitable that there should be con[9]

�llicts, collisions of forces, and criticisms of educational leadership. It probably
would be impossible to resolve all conflicts by one general statement of prin
ciple which would be acceptable to all the conscientious partisans involved.
It would seem wiser if all persons concerned with education would recognize
the advantages of a heterogeneity of ideas as to the purposes of education.
Tolerant thinkers can find areas of agreement, and the tendency of any one
school of thought to exclude or to disparage all theories but its own should be
restricted. With few exceptions, all of the major goals and objectives of Amer
ican education have been endorsed by a sufficient percentage of the American
people to assure those goals a justified place in the over-all design. The neces
sity for less conflict and greater understanding and cooperation between pro
ponents of different purposes of education currently sustained in the American
school system seems apparent.
Probably there never has been throughout all history any complete agree
ment as to what the goals of education should be. Aristotle wrote of "doubts
concerning the business of it," saying, "all people do not agree in those things
they would have a child taught, both with respect to improvement in virtue
and a happy life; nor is it clear whether the object of it should be to improve
the reason or rectify the morals. From the present mode of education we can
not determine with certainty to which men incline, whether to instruct a child
in what will be useful to him in life, or what tends to virtue, or what is excel
lent; for all these things have their separate defenders.”
So be it, today.

[10 ]

III
THE SUPPORT OF EDUCATION
provided for the benefit of
all of the people and the general well-being of the nation. Annually this
country spends more than two per cent of its total national income for educa
tion. Where an investment of eight or nine billion dollars per year is involved
—an outlay that is and should be constantly growing—it is inevitable that
many individuals and organized groups will be concerned with the source of
this income, the manner in which the money is raised, and how it is spent.
The Subcommittee was concerned with financial support of education
only as it might be an origin or source of friction and misunderstanding
between educators and industrialists.
In a civilized society there are many services which affect practically the
total population. The most universal of these probably is protection of person
and property by government. In America, other services which the people
have come to expect include education, good roads and streets and harbors,
an adequate and safe water supply, postal facilities, a telephone system, pro
tection against fire, a public press and many others. Some of these services,
like the postal system, are provided entirely by the Federal government. Pro
tection against fire is almost always a local government responsibility. Roads
and harbors are provided in varying degrees and methods of combination by
Federal, state, and local governments, the privately-owned toll roads being a
rare exception. Finally there are services provided entirely by private capital,
such as the telephone and press.
Among all these services education is unique in respect to its support.
This support is provided, in part, by local governments, by state governments,
by the Federal government, by religious bodies, by national charitable organi
zations, by private capital as a profit-making investment, by contributions of
a non-profit-making purpose both from individuals and from corporations
organized for profit, by tax-free foundations, by specific endowments inherited
from the past, and by scholarships and grants from many sources and for many
purposes. No other service for the benefit of all members of society is pro
vided in such diverse forms and ways and from such heterogeneous sources.
Constitutionally, public education in America is a function of the several
states. The states, in the exercise of this function delegated by the people
themselves, in turn delegate responsibility for education to local governments
through local school boards. Carrying out their responsibilities, the states pro
vide financial support to local communities to guarantee a minimum educa-

P

U B LIC ED U C A T IO N IS A N e s s e n t i a l s e r v i c e

[ii]

�tional program for the children within their borders. It is to be expected that
a state will require certain minimum educational standards of the local com
munities which receive tax-raised funds. The state governments thus maintain
a form of "remote control” over the local school systems, but under this con
stitutional authority the local communities, for the most part, maintain local
autonomy and make major decisions as to policy and practice.
Many problems, cross-purposes, misunderstandings and criticisms arise
directly from the diversity of support. Some are serious and far-reaching;
others are local. The lack of adequate financial support for a private school
of secondary education, for illustration, involves different considerations than
lack of an adequate tax rate in a local community to supply essential elemen
tary school facilities for the children of that community.
Failure to make allowance for the differences involved is a source of some
of the criticism and resentment that flare up. To attempt to apply a uniform
measure of correlation between financial support and control to all institutions
of learning or training, public and private, large and small, elementary and
advanced, would be unrealistic and perhaps unwise.
There is a further basic source of misunderstanding, and it is embedded
in the foundation of the structure of financial support for the schools. It is
one which all people should recognize and keep in mind. Specifically, the pat
tern for organization and support of the American educational system (and
particularly the core of elementary and secondary tax-supported public edu
cation) constituted an early concession by an individualistic people to the
socialistic concept. Wise or unwise, the fact remains that support and control
of the schools, to a large extent, was turned over to governmental bodies
sometime in the past, through proper legislative procedure that expressed the
views of a majority of the people at the time the action was taken.
With governmental support and control there is inclined to be less con
sideration of minority wishes by the majority, more dependence on the advice
of professional experts than on purely local considerations, and more inclina
tion to follow current political and sociological ideologies which may not be
approved by some individualists. There is still a proper place and way, through
the democratic political processes of local government, for the individual to
make his opinions known and his influence felt.
It should be remembered that the differences in size and nature of educa
tional units, in the sources of financial support, in the control correlated with
support, all combine to give American education much of its strength, its
vitality, its ability to grow with changing times and its ability to meet increas
ingly varied demands. For this reason, centralization or consolidation of finan-

cial support, with corresponding requirements for minimum standards of edu
cation and other controls, should be watched by both educators and indus
trialists. The financial support of a minimum educational program within a
state should always be balanced by a maximum decentralization of direction
and control.
Financial support alone is not sufficient to assure the effective and forceful
program of education which a dynamic society requires. Industry should make
available to Education its vast fund of knowledge and experience, accumu
lated through years of research, production, management, and services to
the public. Industrial "know how” should be readily available to Education
in an advisory way in connection with problems of curriculum, administration,
and personnel.
In fact, proper support of education should include continuous concern
of industrialists and all other segments of the community, as well as educators,
with all educational policies and problems, on both state and local levels.

[12]

[13]

�IV
THE RESPONSIBILITIES OF EDUCATORS

S

chools are established and financially supported, and teachers

accept salaries and professional recognition, to do a certain job. That is
to give the next generation the best education which the current adult genera
tion is able or willing to afford. However, what is meant by "the best educa
tion,” and what duties are inherent in that term, are often the source of much
controversy.
The age of the pupils, the educational level of the classroom, whether
the school is publicly or privately supported, the nature of the subject matter,
the established purpose of the course of instruction, and the other media avail
able for both mental and spiritual influence, all have to be considered. It would
be difficult to arrive at a definition of "the best education” that would be
sufficiently all-inclusive to apply to all circumstances.
In considering the responsibilities of educators, the question arises of
"indoctrination versus objective teaching.” It is possible, for example, even
in beginner’s arithmetic, to use the classroom for propaganda purposes. Prob
lems can deal with the benefits of government subsidies and social security on
the one hand, or the advantages of profits, dividends, and successful business
ventures on the other. Thus the minds of 8-year-olds can be influenced accord
ing to the bias of the textbook and the teacher.
Conscious proselytizing is completely outside of a teacher’s clearly recog
nized duties. But examples in beginner’s arithmetic must be related to the
dynamic world in which the pupil lives if arthmetic is to be interesting and
have meaning. To accuse a teacher of dealing in propaganda when no such
intention exists is as unjustifiable as deliberate indoctrination by the teacher
would be.
The question of indoctrination becomes more involved when a graduate
seminar in economics, conducted by an outstanding scholar, is considered. To
expect an educator who is an authority in his field not to have strong opinions
is unrealistic. To ask him to conduct his classes with complete objectivity and
without revealing his convictions is to deprive mature students, rightfully de
siring to hear his particular theory or viewpoint expounded, of values which
might be inherent in the course. Iron-clad insistence on complete objectivity
would certainly drive thinkers and leaders from the world of Education. Clear
ly, considerable latitude must be allowed before a teacher can justifiably be
accused of indoctrination, and all of the circumstances should be known and
carefully weighed.

[14 ]

Any teacher, whatever his political convictions, has the right and respon
sibility to participate as a citizen in community, state and national affairs so
long as his activities do not decrease his effectiveness in the classroom and are
not inimical to the national well-being. In fact, more interest on the part of
educators in government and community affairs is desirable. The basic objec
tion to indoctrination is not that such teaching will inculcate beliefs which
some groups are certain to oppose, but that it is not the teacher’s job.
A teacher’s responsibility for religious instruction and moral training is
determined by the nature of the institution and the known desires of the
administrative body and/or the community. The emphasis to be placed on
vocational training is similarly established. Considerations which apply to an
expensive private college preparatory school differ greatly from the require
ments set up for a public high school in a metropolitan suburb populated by
industrial workers. The responsibilities of the educator vary with circum
stances, and these responsibilities should be defined as clearly as possible.
In addition to an honest job of teaching, educators, more than any other
group except the clergy, are expected to set a good example for the younger
generation and the community as a whole. Teaching is not "just one of the
professions.” It is one of the oldest and most highly and universally honored.
Respect for educators is as continuous as civilization itself.
Nowhere is there a more clear application of the principle that honor
and authority impose obligations and responsibilities. Careful regard for per
sonal reputation is one of those obligations. A teacher’s loyalty to his country
should be unquestionable; his honesty, integrity and moral standards should
be above reproach. He should exercise good judgment in all personal asso
ciations and affiliations, including his relationships with professional organi
zations for the protection or advancement of the legitimate interests of teachers
as a group.
Educators have a responsibility for preserving mutual respect between
their profession and other segments of the community population. They have
a legitimate complaint when critics make sweeping charges of "left-wing
ideologies” or "ivory-tower stupidities” against educators in general. But the
educator who makes similar exaggerated denunciations against businessmen
is being equally unfair; and in both cases immense harm is done. The voice
of criticism is welcome on the American scene, but it must be scrupulously
exact and conscientious in order to retain respect.
Education is one of the accepted overhead costs in America. Educators
have an obligation to observe economy and efficiency in the discharge of their
responsibilities and in the use of the facilities provided them. By nature and
[15]

�training, educators are generally inclined to regard economy as a virtue, both
in the use of their own and other people’s money. A continuation of this care
ful regard for costs will do much to foster whole-hearted support of Educa
tion’s growing needs by all groups within a community and by Industry in
particular.
Educators cannot escape responsibility for keeping abreast of changes,
and for being aware of developments in materials and methods related to
their own teaching fields. Industry has an equally strong responsibility for
bringing information regarding the results of inventions and discoveries to
the attention of the schools; but the ultimate responsibility for keeping teach
ing geared to a dynamic age rests with the educators.
It is the responsibility of Education to support, and frequently to lead,
the necessary and continuing fight to preserve freedom of expression and
freedom of inquiry. Even tolerance of intolerance must be safeguarded, so
long as that intolerance does not attempt to destroy our American heritage
of freedom. All educators should oppose any attempt by either government
or public opinion to repress expression of honest views or to curtail scientific
studies and researches. An educator must stand ready to fight for his right to
pursue knowledge in the true scientific spirit. Because Education has a cen
turies-old familiarity with the struggle to achieve and maintain freedom for
the human mind, the American people rightfully look to educators for leader
ship in that continuous battle.
To summarize, every educator from kindergarten teacher to the holder
of a distinguished professional chair in a graduate school, is employed to do
a certain job. The nature, extent, and limitations of that job are usually estab
lished with reasonable clarity. They ought to be easily understood by a person
of intellectual integrity. The primary responsibility of the educator is to do
honestly, and as well as he can, the job for which he was hired. Teachers are
expected to be persons, and not automatons. It is inevitable and desirable that
their personalities and character should make effective impressions on youth;
that their manners, persuasions, and moral and spiritual values should have
influence. But teachers are not employed as preachers, politicians, statesmen
or prophets. Any conscious effort by a teacher to function in such capacities, at
the expense of primary duty, is a failure to live up to an obligation to the
society which is supporting him in exchange for his service. No principle of
academic freedom is involved here, nor of tolerance and fair-mindedness. It
is a matter of integrity with respect to duties that have been assumed.
Finally, and perhaps most important of all, Education is responsible for
maintaining continuity of thought and culture and moral values between

present and past. Neither utilitarian education nor speculative theory should
lead off too soon from the "main road” of education. That "main road” of
accumulated knowledge and fundamental culture, leading from the remote
past through the present and into the future, should be kept open wide and
well paved. There is a great need in the confused world of today for better
morals, more self-discipline, and a sounder sense of values. Possibly the great
est contribution Education can make toward meeting that need is to give all
who pass through its doors a deeper awareness of what we owe to the great
artists and scientists, the teachers, thinkers, inventors, the explorers and states
men, the poets and patriots of the past.

[16]

[17]

�V
THE RESPONSIBILITIES OF INDUSTRY TO EDUCATION
or group to another person or group
are imposed in part by benefits received or to be expected. Industry’s re
sponsibilities to Education are based primarily on four broad considerations.
F irst, and most apparent, is that Industry must look to Education for its
supply of trained personnel. This need includes, obviously, research and de
velopment scientists and engineers. If the quality of industrial output and serv
ice to society is continually to support and improve an ever-rising standard of
living in America, Industry must have in top-management positions the type
of men who have the vision and intelligence to assure improved industrial
concepts and production. This implies need for training in the liberal arts as
well as in science and business administration. Industry also requires nonscientific personnel for specialized departmental duties such as traffic manage
ment, job evaluation, and accounting. Education should supply men with suffi
cient business management training to shorten the period needed for gaining
experience before executive responsibilities can be assumed. Finally there are
the skilled, semi-skilled, and unskilled workers—the people who start with
beginners’jobs which demand varying degrees of skill, training, and education.
All of these people can better adjust to job situations with a minimum of fric
tion and costly job-turnover if they have acquired from the schools at least a
basic understanding of actual conditions in the world of work.
The s ec o n d concern of Industry with the objectives of Education lies in
raising the material standard of living in America through the higher expecta
tions of all of the people, which inevitably results from raising the level of
education. This upward trend helps to create expanding markets upon which
Industry thrives. Even elementary education in America has made people want,
and work to get, bathtubs and fountain pens, better clothes and encyclopedias,
table silver and classical records, and countless other products of industry for
which these same people, if completely illiterate, would feel far less urge. The
impact of education on material desires and expectations is felt at every level
of society and of education, and the greatest importance of this force probably
lies in the future. Industry has a tremendous stake in the influence and exten
sion of Education in America.
A th ir d consideration is that Education fulfill its obligation for teaching
moral and spiritual values. The public schools must be non-denominational,
but the men and women who teach in these schools, as responsible professional
members of society, are at work daily with boys and girls who should derive

T

h e r e s p o n s ib ilitie s o f o n e p e r s o n

[18]

a high standard of moral and spiritual values from school experiences. Such
concepts develop the individual as a constructive social unit, contributing to
the betterment of group living and advancing the standards of conduct essen
tial to perpetuation of this nation’s culture.
F o u rth and last, Industry must look to Education to assure the economic
and political literacy of the people which alone will preserve the American
free-enterprise system and social order. Upon that "way of life” both Industry
and Education are grounded. Industry, as one member of the American social
organism, is concerned that Education, an entirely separate member, continue
its significant role in keeping the whole organism healthy and functioning
forcefully.
Proceeding from these basic considerations, what then are the responsi
bilities of Industry to Education?
The responsibility of Industry for more active participation in the prepar
ation of young people who enter industrial employment (the first considera
tion) has increased each year. A complex industrial society, a multiplicity of
jobs, the increasingly urgent need for intelligent citizenship, leave no alterna
tive. Industry is a natural co-partner in the education of tomorrow's full-time,
adult workers. The days when schools were self-contained within their insti
tutional walls are past. Those walls are being pushed out to encompass the
entire community. Industrial and business establishments are becoming the
daily laboratories and workshops of both secondary schools and colleges in the
all-important task of training youth, while they are still in school, for jobs
of their own choosing.
Industrial progress results in occupational changes. Individuals differ in
their abilities and desires. No single laboratory or single training program will
meet the needs of the nation’s industrialized society.
Industry and business ultimately employ large numbers of young people
whether they are prepared for employment or not; whether they have gradu
ated from college, high school, a technical school, or have become the so-called
"early school leavers,” unprepared for employment. It is profitable from the
standpoint of both Industry and society to equip them with education and train
ing consistent with their desires, aptitudes, and abilities before they leave the
full-time school and enter employment. Young people should have the kind
of education which will prepare them adequately for their careers and their
civic responsibilities. Industrialists and businessmen can help keep them in
school longer, or keep many of them in school at least part-time, by cooperating
with Education in practical arts courses and vocational and technical courses
which are given in the regular school program or as work-study programs.
[19]

�Education and Industry must g o farther than merely preparing individ
uals to enter employment. After people are employed it must be possible for
them to work for promotion and advancement. Educators and industrialists,
working together, should provide opportunities for continuing education,
making certain at the same time that workers become increasingly aware of
their civic responsibilities.
Since Industry looks to the influence of Education for developing interest
in improved living standards, with correspondingly expanded markets (the
second consideration), Industry has an obligation to be intelligently aware of
what educators are doing and trying to do. It is probably true that the average
businessman knows more about current activities in the stock market, in big
league baseball, in the movie and entertainment world, and even among prize
fighters, than he does about the personnel, methods, objectives, and compara
tive standing of the public school system in his home town. To the extent that
this indifference is obvious to teachers, they turn less and less for guidance
to the communities they serve. It is the duty of industrialists to have a view
point, based on factual information, regarding the educational goals and prac
tices of both the public and private institutions of learning in their communi
ties, and to make that viewpoint known for the benefit and encouragement
of everybody concerned.
An obvious complementary duty is to give educators better and more
attractive opportunities to get acquainted with Industry. Many teachers, while
recognizing Industry as vital in the world in which they live and about which
they teach, have little or no knowledge of industrial problems or the con
tributions of Industry to public well-being beyond what they have learned
from books. To them, production lines, inventories, amortization, reinvest
ment, re-tooling, packaging, distribution, labor relations, risk capital, and even
industrial competition are abstract terms, not palpable things and never-fin
ished problems to be struggled with daily in order to supply the products
people take for granted.
The unfamiliarity of educators with what industrialists are doing and
are trying to do undoubtedly is as great as Industry’s unawareness of Educa
tion’s problems, objectives, and accomplishments. Industry must constantly
take the initiative to overcome apathetic and harmful aloofness, wherever it
may appear. It is imperative that American industry, justifiably believing in
the necessity, the efficiency, and the sociological soundness of its operations,
should have both the enlightened criticism and confident moral support of
Education. It is largely educators who appraise for young people the social
system they are about to inherit. If the appraisal of Industry is to be based on

[20 ]

sound knowledge, actual observation, and shared experience, Industry must
maintain a continuous open house to Education and make its hospitality evi
dent and sincere.
Closely related to the more widespread and purposeful "looking-in” on
one group by the other, but meeting additional and different needs, are joint
conferences where Education and Industry meet on grounds of common inter
est. Educators should take the initiative in these ventures just as much as indus
trialists. The fact remains, however, that there certainly is a responsibility
on the part of Industry to promote conferences where both Industry and Edu
cation can gain through mutual assistance or can further civic usefulness
through an exchange of ideas, information, or opinions.
Industry’s third basic requirement of Education was that the schools up
hold moral and spiritual values. Certainly, Industry has a responsibility to
Education for moral and spiritual backing against destructive criticism and
unwarranted attack. Past experience with Industry’s concern for Education
justifies confidence in fair-mindedness as part of that concern.
Because of their experience and training, industrial leaders should be
disposed to look for facts and important principles in issues which are be
clouded by storms of charges and countercharges which too frequently elec
trify the educational atmosphere. It is the duty of those in Industry to take a
firm stand for judicial consideration of documented charges against specific
individuals. Industrialists must insist upon proof of claims of abuses in the
educational profession, of conspiratorial purpose, or of other pursuits harmful
to Education or to the public, as against general accusations. It is also a duty
of industrialists to step in on their own initiative and exert maximum influence
to restore tolerance and common sense, whenever storms appear which consist
primarily of sound and fury.
Finally, Industry’s obligation to Education for the preservation of Amer
ica’s social and economic structure (the fourth basic consideration) is in itself
economic; it involves financial support.
A major goal of American Education, beyond question, is an advanced
state of intelligent literacy and understanding for the total population. Indus
try is definitely in accord with this aim of Education. This being so, Industry
must face and accept its responsibility for a large part of the cost of such an
achievement.
Youth spends far more hours in school today than fifty years ago, and the
schools have had to assume responsibility for many functions of youth-training
that once were performed by the home or other agencies. Industrial education,
agricultural education, and related instruction for apprentices now provided

[ ]
21

�VI
THE ULTIMATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR EDUCATION

T

here are three major segments of the population concerned with the

quality, objectives, and accomplishments of Education in America. First,
there are the teachers and educational administrators. Second, there are those
who support Education through either taxes or direct contributions, and who
are represented by boards of education and boards of trustees. Third, there are
the parents, who have a particular and unique responsibility.
Many other influences are at work, one being the demands and prefer
ences of the students themselves, especially the many self-supporting adults
now attending colleges and graduate schools. The total effect of this group
and other lesser forces is not strong enough to change the major three-pronged
responsibility, however.
The influence wielded by each of the three groups varies tremendously
with the time, the place, and the kind of educational institution considered.
It is obvious, too, that the groups overlap greatly. Teachers, for example, are
taxpayers, and many of them are parents. It is likewise obvious that the impact
of the opinions of one group on the others is varied and sometimes indeter
minate.
There are difficulties in drawing even shadowy lines of separation be
tween the three groups in trying to assess responsibility. Praise or blame for
results that please everybody or nobody can never be assigned to one group
alone. When a community has a superior local school system it is usually
because teachers, administrators, taxpayers, and parents all take a great inter
est and pride in that school system. If a long-established university starts run
ning down, it will usually be found that faculty members have become discour
aged, alumni contributors have lost interest, and parents of students attending
the university are guiltily ignorant of its shortcomings. The responsibility for
good or bad education must be shared by all three groups and cannot be
apportioned percentagewise among them.
There are vast differences in the relationships of these groups to the
schools and to the problems of education. Each group has a different base for
its duties and its authority. The influence of each group is exerted through
mechanics, and with a degree of directness, which differ from the same factors
of the other group. Finally, the fundamental reason for each having responsi
bility, and the extent and nature of the moral accountability involved, is differ
ent in each case. For the deliberations and purposes of the Subcommittee, it
[24]

was important to consider these differences and the part they play in some of
the problems with which Education and Industry are concerned.
The most immediate responsibility—and in actual practice the most ex
tensive responsibility for the direction and success of American education—
lies with the teaching profession. This means that in reality it falls very heavily
upon the colleges and on the recognized experts within the teaching profes
sion. It is from these sources that the teachers, of all educational specialties
and levels and in all of the many kinds of educational institutions, receive the
early professional training and the continuing guidance which largely deter
mine the methods, skills, and objectives finally manifest in the classroom.
Occasionally there is a tendency to claim infallibility for outstanding
educational experts, or at least an inclination to claim for them such superior
ity of knowledge and judgment in an esoteric field that laymen must not be
allowed to interfere in any way with the practices and aims they prescribe for
their disciples. This extremist view should not be accepted by either the public
or by the great body of educators themselves. But educators and industrialists
should have no quarrel with the position, short of this extreme, which is ac
corded to recognized leaders within educational ranks. The American people
realize that teaching is a specialized profession and respect the value of pro
fessional competency. It is taken for granted that proper recognition should
be given by both laymen and those in the profession to the opinions, precepts,
and carefully considered policies of those who have earned places of leader
ship and authority in the world of Education. To the extent that these experts
are given a free hand and a loyal following, they must bear a large measure of
responsibility for the final results of the entire educational effort. In America
at the present time the extent of acceptance of the experts’ authority is great.
The next source of responsibility for Education resides in those who pay
taxes and make financial contributions which keep schools and colleges oper
ating. They do and should have something to say about the quality and quan
tity, the methods and objectives of Education.
Just as there are extreme views regarding the authority to be attached to
professional stature, there are extremists among those who finance Education.
The argument that financing bestows power and authority is well expressed
in the old saying, "He who pays the piper may call the tune.” Here again, this
extreme view is not accepted by educators, parents, or even by the majority
of the group for whom it is advanced.
Even in areas of ideology that are currently most controversial, those who
pay the bills for Education are, generally speaking, willing to endorse the
statement attributed to Voltaire: "I disagree with what you say but will defend
[25]

�VII
SUMMARY: THIS WE BELIEVE ABOUT EDUCATION
1] That the purposes of education are many and varied in America,
where a high degree of freedom has prevailed in the growth of both private
and public education. Wide variation in accepted educational purposes, while
decried by some, is to be expected and should be accented as a natural develop
ment in a society which encourages great diversity in its search for truth. There
probably is no one single purpose of education acceptable to all, but some
rather widely accepted purposes without reference to their order of importance
may be generalized as follows: (a) To prepare the individual to make a living
and to make progress in his vocation, or to help in that process; (b) To prepare
the individual for mature and complete living—personal and family, social
and civic—in today’s world, and to help develop the moral, ethical, and spiri
tual values which benefit both the individual and society; and (c) To increase
man’s understanding of the arts, sciences, and humanities, and his appreciation
of his cultural heritage.
la] But that acceptance of purposes should be related to the size, grade
level, and nature of the educational institutions and to the learners who are
to attend those institutions. The purposes of education should be determined
by the needs of the learners, and in this nation there should be available ample
variety in learning opportunities. The relative emphasis to be placed on the
different purposes of education should be determined with wide latitude and
consideration for all concerned. In all education due regard for excellence of
educational programs and quality of teaching should be given. This is an
important requirement for the preservation of a society of free individuals.
♦

♦

♦

3] That every teacher in America should have the unquestioned right
to impart knowledge objectively concerning all matters related to the subject
he teaches. Teachers of economics or of government or of any of the social
sciences should discuss without hesitation the theories, practices, and histories
of all systems of government including the government of collectivist states,
to the extent required for the properly balanced organization of a particular
course. When subject matter does deal with governments and ideologies,
teachers should take into consideration the maturity and grade level of the
learners. The younger the pupil and the more elementary the instruction, the
less excuse there is for deviation from objective teaching. Completely objective
teaching, however, especially of the social studies, while a desirable goal, can
scarcely be expected or achieved in actual practice by teachers who are also
thinking human beings; reasonable deviation from this absolute standard
should not expose any teacher to attack, intimidation, or insecurity of his
position.
3a] But that neither freedom of speech nor freedom of academic inquiry
and instruction gives a teacher the right to a captive audience of impression
able young people, as a target for propaganda on behalf of theories or prac
tices that are disapproved by the community which has put that audience in
his charge for other purposes. Within limitations dictated by the circumstances
of his semi-official position, a teacher should be free to express his personal
opinions and to take direct and active interest in community problems. The
teacher should assume his responsbility as a citizen in the community, but he
has no right to the classroom as his private pulpit. Nor should a proper regard
for the prejudices of individual human beings and tolerance for differing opin
ions extend to the point of giving a teacher the right to intolerance of beliefs
with which h e does not agree, nor to the conversion of his teaching into
exclusive indoctrination of any social or political philosophy.
H
e

*

*

2] That all established relationships between individuals, and between
the individual and society as a whole, are subject to change, and that any effort
on the part of Education or of particular educators to keep the American social
organization static instead of dynamic, or to prevent or to ignore change,
would be contrary to the proper spirit and purpose of American Education.
2a] But that acceptance and evaluation of change should proceed from a
fundamental and firm belief in the American form of government, in the free,
private, competitive enterprise system, and in the maximum freedom for the
individual that the essential functions of government in a complex modern
civilization will permit.

4] That no attack on any teacher or on his teaching, because of his indi
vidual ideological convictions (short of advocacy of the overthrow of the
government), should be supported or condoned.
4a] But that bona fide attempts, based on reasonable evidence, to show
that a particular teacher is taking advantage of his position to preach a social
philosophy opposed by his local community or by the group his institution
primarily serves, rather than to teach about it objectively, are to be considered
judicially and not construed or distorted as attacks, either on academic freedom
or on the whole American educational system.

[28]

[29]

�5] That complaints of subversive activities or collectivist indoctrination
of students by individual teachers should be weighed and given consideration
by the legally constituted school authorities in preference to any such action
by any outside agency, governmental or otherwise. This procedure should be
followed whether the complaints are initiated by resident members of the local
community, by members of the group served by the particular institution em
ploying the teacher, or by some other source.
5a] But that it is perfectly proper for American citizens, as individuals,
or in groups, or through organizations, to make and publish objective studies
of any and all aspects of the educational system, and to obtain as wide distribu
tion of the findings of such studies as they can. A study of the declared methods
and stated purposes of education, as taught in the various colleges or by indi
viduals in these colleges; a study of the textbooks being used or offered for
use in educational institutions; a study of the articles, essays, speeches and
books put forth by influential educators as guides to other members of the
teaching profession—all these are quite properly within the province of ob
servation and scrutiny. Few educators would wish to single out the educational
system as the one area of American public life which should not be subjected
to constant study and criticism. Those few who would must not be allowed
to do so.
*

*

*

6] That businessmen, the public, and educators should view with proper
and customary caution sweeping charges made by any group which studies the
educational system and publishes adverse findings as to its methods, purposes,
or practices, or as to the ideological loyalties of some of its leaders.
6a] But that smearing the groups or the individuals responsible for such
criticisms is not satisfactory refutation of their evidence or of their arguments.
Charges which cannot be substantiated should be refuted.
*

*

*

7] That while in the choice of textbooks, determination of curricula, and
formulation of teaching methods, interested individuals or lay committees
may make a healthy and valuable contribution, final decisions should be left
with educational administrators, teachers, or committees of teachers, subject
to the general authority of boards of education or of college trustees.
7a] But that the people who provide and maintain these institutions for
the education of their children should have the right of final approval or dis
approval of decisions of teachers, committees, and educational administrators,
[30]

and even boards of education and college trustees. In the case of public ele
mentary and secondary schools, this final decision is exercised through the
ballot box in the election of members of boards of education. In the case of
institutions of higher learning it is exercised through the action of state legis
lators, the protests of alumni, or by withholding of grants for financial sup
port. Fortunately, this final decision is frequently cumbersome and slow; this
constitutes a safeguard against the rash use of such authority in making deci
sions. But this right of final authority should always be available if necessary,
as a last resort.
*

*

*

8] That constitutionally public education is a function of the several
states, and that statewide legislation establishing minimum standards of at
tendance, minimum educational standards, requirements for facilities, and the
pattern of local administration within certain limits of authority and responsibilty, is necessary and proper.
8a] But that community responsibility, community administration, and
community determination of matters concerning local school systems should
not be weakened by centralization of either facilities or control beyond actual
requirements for the most efficient and economical educational service in a
given area. A thousand errors of policy or practice, however gross some of these
errors may be, all tend to cancel each other out in time; and America has gained
tremendously by this right of small groups to make progress in all fields of
social effort by separate methods of trial and error.
*

*

*

9] That teaching should be regarded as one of the great professions;
that teachers themselves should act, and should be regarded by the community,
as members of such a profession; that this regard should be shown by paying
teachers salaries commensurate with the service rendered by a great profession;
and that businessmen, who carry a large part of the tax load, should take the
lead in creating everywhere public opinion in favor of a salary standard for
teachers which will help to attract the ablest young people and to hold them
in the profession.
9a] But that educators should earn and retain this esteem through con
tinuous professional development, and by a careful regard for personal asso
ciations, affiliations, and reputations. Teachers should refrain from joining
or supporting organizations which lower the stature of their profession in the
eyes of the community.
[ 3 ']

�10] That the schools today are expected to assume a wider range of
responsibilities, as to preparation of children for adult life, than were expected
of schools a generation ago. Hence the educational system should have con
siderable latitude in familiarizing students with new scientific, technical, and
cultural developments; in providing new experiences and outlooks, ideas and
knowledge and contemporary concepts which parents—as an older genera
tion—may not be in a position to impart.
10a] But that the schools are still only one of the agencies concerned
with the upbringing of youth. The home, Sunday schools and churches, Boy
and Girl Scout organizations (simply by way of illustration) are others with
varying degrees of influence. The schools should neither try, be expected, nor
be permitted to assume exclusive or near-exclusive responsibility. The ultimate
final responsibility for the education and upbringing of every child still re
mains, and should remain, in the family of which that child is a part. The
schools must be regarded as agents of, and auxiliary to, parents in the schools’
assumption of a part of that responsibility.
*

*

*

11] That educational programs and standards should be as broad and
inclusive as practical considerations will permit; that the measureless value
of diversity in educational theories and practices, manifesting itself in many
ways beyond the few examples cited here, should be fully recognized by both
the profession and the public; that this heterogeneity is a chief source of the
strength and progress of American Education; and that in Education as in all
other divisions of its cultural activities, America should be and remain a melt
ing pot of professional experimentation, and of ideas, purposes, and traditions
that merge to make the nation great.
11a] But that too radical or idiosyncratic deviations in educational
theory or practice, from the broad standards determined and accepted by pre
ponderant public opinion and professional experience, should not be sup
ported in so universal a nation-wide service as Education.

[32]

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                    <text>(Reprinted from N a t io n a l E l e m e n t a r y P r in c ip a l , Vol. XXXIII, No. 5 , April

1954)

HANDBOOKS

A rlin gton County • Virginia
T h e m ost im p o rta n t tre n d in p u b lic education
d u rin g the past 25 years has been the increasing
e ffo r t on the p a rt o f educators to in v o lv e parents
and o th e r citizens in the plan n in g o f the in s tru c
tiona l program . Because there has been a greater
emphasis u p o n a close relatio nship between the
school and the hom e, there has been an in creasing
re c o g n itio n th a t parents have a m a jo r share in the
education o f th e ir c h ild re n , no m a tte r h o w fine
the program o f the school m ay be. T o achieve co
ope ratio n between the school and the hom e in
the education o f th e c h ild , each m ust have in fo r
m atio n abo ut the purposes and plans o f th e other.
Schools have in cre a sin g ly sought in fo rm a tio n
abo ut c h ild re n w h ic h o n ly the hom e m ay p ro
vid e ; m ore re c e n tly , parents have requested and
have obtained greater in fo rm a tio n abo ut the p ro
gram o f the school so th a t th e y m a y p articip ate
m ore e ffe c tiv e ly in achievin g the goals th e y bo th
desire.
D u rin g the past fe w years m any school systems
have given atte n tio n to the developm ent o f par
en t handbooks re g a rd in g the school in s tru c tio n a l
program . These handbooks have sought to in fo rm
parents re gardin g the school program . In the
A r lin g to n p u b lic schools seven parent handbooks
have been developed and m ore are un d e r w a y.
F o u r o f the parent handbooks prepared d u rin g
the last fe w years in A r lin g to n have attem pted to
describe the school p ro g ra m at all o f its various
levels. “ W e G o to School in the P rim a ry D e p a rt
m e n t” describes grades one th ru three, and sugV O L . X X X III

NO. 5

A P R IL

1954

gests w ays in w h ic h parents m ay prepare th e ir
c h ild re n to s ta rt to school f o r the firs t tim e. A
ty p ic a l p rim a ry pro g ra m is described and p ro g
ress d u rin g the firs t y ear o f school is discussed.
“ W e G o to School in the In te rm e d ia te D e p a rt
m e n t” covers such topics as the g ro w th and de
v e lo p m e n t o f c h ild re n at ages 9 , 10 , and 11 , w h a t
parents can do to assist c h ild re n o f this age, and
the in s tru c tio n a l program s o f grades 4 , 5 , and 6 .
T h e b o o k le t describes a u n it o f w o rk , the g ro u p
in g o f ch ild re n , a ty p ic a l d a y at school, and a
fie ld trip . In fo rm a tio n is g iven re gardin g the
w o r k done in these grades in language arts, social
studies, a rith m e tic , science, m usic, art, physical
education, and fa m ily life education. T h e c o n tri
butio ns o f supervisors, h e lp in g teachers, psycho
lo g ic a l services, and v is itin g teachers are described.
T h e testing pro g ra m as w e ll as the lib r a ry in the
elem e nta ry school is discussed. Such adm in istra
tiv e policies as re p o rtin g to parents, p ro m o tio n
policies, h o m e w o rk , transfers, and outside tu to r
in g are described.
S im ila r handbooks have been developed fo r the
ju n io r and senior h ig h school program s and have
the title s “ O n to J u n io r H ig h ” and “ T h e A r lin g
to n C o u n ty Senior H ig h Schools.” “ O n to J u n io r
H ig h ” outlines the ju n io r high school in s tru c
tio n a l p ro g ra m fo r grades 7 , 8 , and 9 , describes
the electives available in each grade, discusses
textbo oks and o th e r m aterials w h ic h arc used,
and in vites parents to partic ip a te in school a c tiv ties. “ T h e A rlin g to n C o u n ty Senior H ig h Schools”
is addressed to bo th parents and senior high
school students. I t assists parents and students in
und erstanding the purposes o f the senior h ig h
schools and the various program s offered. M u c h
a tte n tio n is given to the selection o f a course o f
s tu d y and m a n y sample program s are given. R e
quirem ents f o r gradua tion, courses offe re d in the
senior high schools, p ro m o tio n policies, and
e x tra c u rric u la r activities are am ong the o th e r
topics covered.
T h re e o f the seven parent handbooks o f the
A r lin g to n C o u n ty P u b lic Schools have soug ht to

19

�in fo rm parents abo ut specific in s tru c tio n a l areas
o r methods. T h e firs t o f these thre e is the “ Par
ents’ G u id e to Successful C onferences.” I t was
developed to assist parents in p reparin g them
selves f o r parent-teacher conferences as a means
o f re p o rtin g . Such conferences are held in all
A r lin g to n elem e nta ry schools tw ic e each year.
A r lin g to n parents and teachers feel th a t a parentteacher conference should be a tw o - w a y m atter
w ith the p arent and the teacher each c o n trib u t
in g in fo rm a tio n w h ic h is h e lp fu l to the other.
W h e n conferences as a means o f re p o rtin g w ere
in itia te d in A r lin g to n several years ago, the teach
in g staff studied the technics o f co n fe re n cin g
and the kin ds o f in fo rm a tio n w h ic h should be
given to parents in a conference. As conferences
w ere held, there was an increasing feeling th a t
c o n fe re n c in g m ust be a tw o - w a y co m m u n ic a tio n
and th a t parents also needed preparation f o r the
conferences. Plans f o r a parents’ guide to c o n fe rances w e re in itia te d in a parent com m ittee. T h e
b o o k le t w h ic h was prepared includes in fo rm a tio n
re gardin g m ethods o f re p o rtin g , the purposes o f
conferences, w h a t parents and teachers each need
to b rin g to a conference, w h a t is talked abo ut in
a conference, and the attitudes to w a rd c o n fe r
ences w h ic h have been expressed b y 6,000 parents
in A r lin g to n .
“ U n c o v e rin g H id d e n N u m b e rs ” is a parent
handbook w h ic h was developed at the tim e th a t
an a rith m e tic in s tru c tio n a l guide was being pre
pared f o r A r lin g to n teachers. T h is parent hand
b o o k suggests w ays in w h ic h parents can capita l
ize on the m any n u m b e r experiences w h ic h c h il
dren have outside the school in the hom e and
c o m m u n ity . Parents w e re m embers o f the com
m ittee w h ic h in itia te d plans fo r the teachers’
a rith m e tic in s tru c tio n a l guide. A s th e y shared in
th is planning, the idea f o r a parents’ guide in this
fie ld developed. Several hun dre d situations in the
hom e in v o lv in g num ber experiences are discussed.
T h e last page o f the b o o k le t in fo rm s parents as
to w h en various skills in a rith m e tic are ta u g h t
in the elem entary schools o f A rlin g to n .
“ W h a t A b o u t Reading?” is, at present, a leaf
let w h ic h describes fo r parents the reading in
s tru ctio n a l p ro g ra m in the A r lin g to n C o u n ty P ub
lic Schools. T w o o th e r b r ie f bulletin s on reading
readiness have been prepared f o r parents. T h e

reading readiness bulletin s suggest th a t parents
m ay help b y g u a rd in g the c h ild ’s health, g u id in g
the c h ild to live h a p p ily w ith others, d o in g things
w ith the c h ild to develop an u nd erstanding f o r
reading, g u id in g the c h ild to w o r k h a p p ily , and
help in g the c h ild to become independent. W a y s
in w h ic h the parent can help th e c h ild to develop
visual d is c rim in a tio n , visual m e m o ry , a u d ito ry
d is crim in a tio n , a u d ito ry m e m o ry , b a c k g ro u n d o f
experience, m o to r c o -o rd in a tio n , and a sense o f
re s p o n s ib ility are discussed as a p a rt o f the read
in g readiness p rogram . These m aterials w ill, in
the fu tu re , be com bin ed and expanded to in clude
suggestions to parents re g a rd in g th e m anner in
w h ic h th e y can assist th e ir c h ild re n in le arn ing
to read in w a ys th a t w i ll im p le m e n t and supple
m ent the w o r k o f the school.
A ll o f these handbooks have been developed
b y com m ittees w h ic h have in c lu d e d parents and
teachers; at tim es the parents have o u tnum bered
the teachers in the com m ittees. T h e suggestions
f o r the handbooks have g r o w n o u t o f the w o rk
and p la n n in g o f the C o m m u n ity C o u n c il on I n
s tru c tio n , an org a n iz a tio n o f 150 citizens o f
A r lin g to n w h o represent the 4 7 P a ren t-T eache r
Associations, the C ham ber o f C o m m erce, the
A m e ric a n L eg ion, the D aughters o f th e A m e ric a n
R e v o lu tio n , and o th e r c iv ic organizations w h ic h
have show n in terest in the p ro g ra m o f th e schools.
T h e C o m m u n ity C o u n c il on In s tr u c tio n is n o w
in its fo u r th y e a r and has served d u r in g th a t pe
rio d to define the problem s c o n c e rn in g the in
s tru c tio n a l pro g ra m on w h ic h th e c o m m u n ity and
the teaching staff co u ld w o r k to g e th e r. In c lu d in g
parents in the com m ittees w h ic h p la n and develop
the pub lica tio n s provid es assurance th a t th e ques
tions a c tu a lly in the m in d o f parents w i l l be c o v
ered in the pub lica tions.
T h e C o m m u n ity C o u n c il on In s tru c tio n plays
an im p o rta n t p a rt in in fo rm in g parents a b o u t th e
parent handbooks. T h e in itia l d is trib u tio n o f each
handbook is made th ru the C o m m u n ity C o u n c il.
Since each school is represented in this c o u n c il
b y its P T A c u rric u lu m chairm an, im m edia te ac
cess to parent in terest is gained t h r u th e P T A
in each school. T h e c u rric u lu m c h a irm a n o fte n
in troduce s a n e w han d b o o k b y d e v o tin g a P T A
m eeting to its discussion. A s u p p ly o f each hand
book is available in each school, and persons new
to the c o m m u n ity are p ro v id e d copies o f the apTHE

N A T IO N A L E L E M E N T A R Y

PRINCIPAL

�p ro p ria te b o o k le t w h e n th e ir c h ild re n are enrolled
in the schools. Parents o f th ird -g ra d e c h ild re n re
ceive the handbook f o r in term edia te grades in the
s p rin g o f the ye a r p r io r to the fa ll in w h ic h
th e ir c h ild re n w i l l be enrolled in the fo u rth
grade. S im ila r d is trib u tio n o f the ju n io r high
school h an dbook is made in the sixth grade and
th e senior h ig h school h a n dbook is d is trib u te d in
the n in th grade.
T h e seven parent handbooks described thus
fa r explain the system -w ide in s tru c tio n a l p ro
gram and schoo l policies in A r lin g to n ’s f o r t y seven e lem e nta ry, ju n io r, and senior high schools.
T h e y are h e lp fu l to the school p rin c ip a l in
b rin g in g abo ut und erstanding o f general policies
and practices. T h e re are also num erous explana
tions o f p ra c tic e w h ic h are needed b u t are re
lated to one school o n ly . M a n y A r lin g to n p rin c i
pals have w o rk e d w ith parents and s ta ff m em
bers in th e ir schools to deve lop local parent hand
books w h ic h supp lem ent the seven system -w ide
handbooks w h ic h have been described. These
local school handbooks co ve r such topics as con
ferences w ith the p rin c ip a l, parent v is ita tio n at
school, in fo rm a tio n re g a rd in g P T A organization,

VOL.

X X X III

NO.

5

A P R IL

I954

in fo rm a tio n re gardin g the school staff, P T A c o m
m ittee plans, policies re gardin g class g ro u p in g ,
and in fo rm a tio n re g a rd in g student gove rnm ent.
A ll o f these topics have local app lica tions w h ic h
cann ot be described adequately f o r a p a rtic u la r
school in a system -w ide parent handbook.
School, hom e and c o m m u n ity experiences are
all p a rt o f the edu cation o f the c h ild . T h e school
m ust take ac c o u n t o f previous and present c o n d i
tions and relationships o f the c h ild in the c o m
m u n ity . Parents need to take accou nt o f the ex
periences w h ic h the school contributes. P arent
handbooks have an im p o rta n t p a rt to p la y in
b rin g in g the hom e and school together. In A r lin g
to n C o u n ty , the handbooks have in fo rm e d par
ents about the school program in w ays w h ic h
help them to raise questions and to p articip ate
in greater measure in the \V ork o f the school.
T h e ir share in p lanning the handbooks has helped
parents to feel th a t th e y a c tu a lly p a rtic ip a te in
the school program .
C. G l f .n H a s s
Associate S u perintendent in Charge
o f In s tru c tio n , A r lin g to n C o u n ty
P u b lic Schools, A r lin g to n

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                    <text>Second Issue
FACTS CONCERNING- SEGREGATION AND INTEGRATION

Issued by the Arlington, Virginia, Public Schools for
the information of School Advisory Committees,
Parent-Teacher Associations, and other
interested persons.,
December

195*+

SUPREME COURT ARGUMENTS POSTPONED
The United States Supreme Court on November 22 announced that it will
delay further the hearing of arguments as to how the ruling of the court
against racial segregation in the public schools shall be put into effect.
The death of Associate Justice Robert H. Jackson, v/hich results in "the absence
of a full court", is given as the reason for the postponment.
When the original integration decree was issued last May 17» the Su
preme Court announced that arguments as to how to implement the ruling would
be heard in October. Early in the fall the date was postponed to December 6.
Even with the December 6 date for arguments, final decrees were not expected
to be issued until spring.
The new announcement that the cases will be continued sets no date for
hearing the arguments. The Senate will not act until January on the nomination
of Judge John Marshall Harlan to the court. If Judge Harlan8s nomination is
confirmed in January, the court would then be complete.

ARLINGTON SCHOOL BOARD STATEMENT AT PUBLIC HEARING
An official statement from the Arlington School Board, giving the
opinion of the Board as to the action which should be taken in Virginia in
light of the Supreme Court decision of last May concerning racial integration
in the public schools, was presented by Mrs. Elizabeth Campbell, chairman, at
a public hearing in Richmond, November 15, 1 5 + &gt;
9*•
The hearing was held by the Virginia Commission on Public Education,
appointed by Governor Thomas B„ Stanley.
John B. Boatwright, Jr., secretary of the Commission on Public Edu
cation, issued the call for the public hearing at which Mrs. Campbell spoke.
In his letter of October 7» addressed to all members of the General Assembly
of Virginia, to chairmen of all county Boards of Supervisors, and to mayors or
other officials in all cities and towns in Virginia, he said,
"The Commission desires to obtain the views and recommendations of the
governing bodies and citizens as to what Virginia should do when the decision
of the Supreme Court becomes effective . . . . . The hearing will be devoted to
the specific question; 'What course should Virginia follow in the light of the
decision of the Supreme Court in the school segregation cases?"1
The Arlington County Board received the letter announcing the hearing.
The County Board voted to send County Manager A. T. Lundberg to the hearing as
an observer. The County Board then referred the invitation to the hearing to
the Arlington School Board.

�-

2

-

The School Board sought the advice o t e Committee to Study Problems
f h
of Integration in the Arlington Schools a to what statement t e School Board
s
h
should make a the h a i g , The Integration Committee, appointed last June, i
t
ern,
s
made up of 7 negro citizens and 21 white citizens of Arlington. On November 8
,
the Integration Committee unanimously approved a tentative statement, which was
later officially adopted by the Arlington School Board to be presented in Rich
mn.
od
The statement from the Arlington School Board is as follows;
"The Arlington County Board o Supervisors referred to the Arlington
f
School Board the invitation to appear before your Commission. As chairman of
this School Board and on i behalf, we respectfully submit t you the follow
ts
o
ing recommendation:
"First: W believe that the system o public education in t e Common
e
f
h
wealth o Virginia should continue to be maintained and supported and the com
f
pulsory school attendance laws o t e st t should be continued i force.
f h
ae
n
"Second: During the present interim period, before t e final decrees
h
o t e Supreme Court directing how t e integration decision i to b put into
f h
h
s
e
effect, we ask the Commission to urge that calmness and restraint prevail i all
n
acts and statements by citizens, in all official acts and statements, and partic
ularly i any legislative action by t e Commonwealth of Virginia concerning the
n
h
matter o integration of t races i the public schools.
f
he
n
"Third: We urge that local school boards be given maximum latitude
a to the methods t be used to carry o t the decrees o t Supreme Court
s
o
u
f he
within the framework o t e law of t e Commonwealth of Virginia.
f h
h
"Fourth: As we have faith in our American form of government and its
provisions for due process of law, i i the prayer of this Board that recom
t s
mendations made by the Governor's Commission after the final decrees o the
f
Supreme Court have been entered, b legally consistent with such decrees."
e
VIRGINIA FILES BRIEF IN INTEGRATION CASE
Monday, November 15, was the deadline for the filing of briefs i
n
the Supreme C
ourt school integration cases.
Virginia's brief said in part: "Education now follows o e pattern in
n
t e State; a plan for local variation must be devised. Time is needed for the
h
preparation of such a plan; without such a plan Virginia's schools may be closed."
Seven states and the District o Columbia filed briefs in t e case.
f
h
The Washington Post and Times-Herald summarized the briefs as follows:
"The District brief said no further court action is necessary since
school integration will be completed here by next September. Kansas said major
steps have been taken toward integration and more are planned next year.
Virginia, South Carolina and Delaware begged for time. Delaware said
a significant percentage of people in parts of the state are not ready to accept
integration. Virginia said local authorities must work out individual plans.
South Carolina said courts cannot command adoption o affirmative solutions."
f

�-3PTA COUNCIL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE ACTS
The executive committee of the Arlington County Council of ParentTeacher Associations on November 3 unanimously passed a resolution asking
that Governor Stanley and the Commission on Public Education preserve the
public schools of Virginia, maintain the compulsory attendance laws, and per
mit local autonomy in carrying out the spirit of the Supreme Court decrees.

COUNTY BOARD ASKS STATE UNIFORMITY
The Arlington County Board on November 27 unanimously passed a reso
lution urging the Virginia Commission on Public Education to take the follow
ing stand regarding the Supreme Court integration decrees
1.

That the Commission be urged to pursue a course which will
continue to preserve state's rights.

2.

That any plan finally adopted be uniform throughout the state.

George M. Rowzee, Sr., who introduced the resolution, explained that
the purpose of the request for state uniformity is to eliminate confusion on
the part of persons who are considering moving to Virginia.
Wesley W . Cooper, in discussing the County Board resolution, mentioned
,
that it expresses a viewpoint different from that of the School Board resolu
tion on the same matter. As reported in The Arlington Sun, Mr. Cooper said he
did not oppose Mr. Rowzee's motion but that he "wondered whether a statement
should be made at all if it does not represent the people of the county."
Alvin F. Kimel said he agreed with Mr. Cooper that the resolution
of the County Board "is not as meaningful until the concensus of the people
is determined, but that it is policy of the Board."

ATTORNEY GENERAL'S STAND
United States Attorney General Brownell last week filed a brief for
the Department of Justice, giving that department's views on integration.
His recommendations, as summarized by The Washington Star, are:
"The Supreme Court should direct inferior Federal courts
to supervise integration in their districts.
"Lower courts should order local school officials to
submit integration plans within 90 days.
"The courts should hold hearings to determine if the
plans submitted will integrate the schools as quickly
and smoothly as possible.
"The lower courts should modify the plans if necessary
and then order them executed by the earliest practicable
date.
"Progress reports should be submitted periodically by
the school officials.

�- k "If no plan for integration is drawn by local school
officials3 the local court should order integration to
he accomplished at the beginning of the next school term."
In commenting on the Department of Justice recommendations, the
Attorney General said that segregation must be abandoned, "as quickly as
feasible, regardless of how much it may be favored by some people in the
community."

ARLINGTON LEGISLATORS AT STATE HEARING
All four of Arlington6s representatives to the State Assembly had a
part in the hearing at Richmond November 15 on the Supreme Court ruling
against racial segregation in the public schools.
State Senator Charles R . Fenwick and Delegate J. Maynard Magruder
.
are members of the Governor's Commission on Public Education which held the
hearing.
Delegate Harrison Mann submitted to Chairman Gray of the Commission
the results of a survey which he took "to obtain a cross-section of opinion
of the electorate in Arlington County on the segregation problem." He re
ported that he sent out just over 1,000 requests for views and suggestions
on the problem. In his letter, dated November 11, 195^* he reports:
"To date there have been lj,b replies, by mail, telephone, and
personal contact, or approximately i y % of those written to.
The responses are still coming in at the rate of 10 to 15 a day.
These are divided as follows: 63 did not favor integration in
%
any form if it could possibly be avoided; 26 favored integra
%
tion, either immediately or by positive steps to institute it
gradually. In 1 1 % of the responses it was not possible to ac
curately determine the views of the writer.
"Various suggestions were made. Quite a number of the people
remarked that if the races were left alone, the vast majority
of each would prefer to go to school with members of their own
race. A significant number of those who favored integration
suggested that it be started gradually in the first grades and
worked out over a period of time. Those who opposed integration
made various suggestions centered on a three-school system
(for white students, negro students and integrated) and repeal
of the compulsory school laws. Only a very small percentage
advocated abolishing the public school system."
Delegate Kathryn H. Stone asked for careful study of the problem
"in the best tradition of a Christian and liberty-loving people whose basic
tenet is respect for the individual person."
"The present position of our school board, which I share", Mrs.
Stone said,"is that no step should be contemplated by your Commission which
would impair the great progress made in Virginia under the Constitutional
guarantee of free public education and the compulsory school attendance law.

�- 5Further, that the possibility of integration is one which must be worked out
locally, as the facts and public opinion support first steps* The success
ful conduct of a sound program of public education rests, in the final analy
sis, upon the community and its duly constituted school board* What may be
workable in one community may be impractical in another.. We believe that no
blanket, State-wide prescription can meet the issue posed*
"As we await the final decrees of the Supreme Court on implementation
of its decision, may we strengthen our deep resolution on the importance of
good public education to the life of our Constitutional democracy; may we bear
in mind the great differences among our communities which will require, I
think, local answers to local situations, and may we firmly resolve to make
our answers consonant with the decision of our highest tribunal."

DIFFERING VIEWS AT RICHMOND
A detailed report of the hearing in Richmond on November 15 was
printed by the Richmond Times-Dispatch* The following excerpts from this
account summarize some of the views presented;
"Set up what amounts to a triple, in place of the present dual,
school system by retaining separate schools for whites and Negroes
and adding mixed schools for those wishing to attend integrated
classes *
"In effect, abolish the public schools and turn education over
to private school corporations.
"Repeal or amend the compulsory attendance law and the State
Constitution's provision requiring the General Assembly to
maintain free public schools.
"Several middle-of-the-road speakers voiced strong opposition to
weakening the constitutional requirement, but v/ould revise the.
attendance law so no child would be forced into mixed classes.
"Pro-integration plans ranged from the do-it-now type to a grad
ual approach of beginning in the lowest grades and working up
over a period of years*
"Ministers and church groups generally offered mild but firm
appeals urging the commission to find a way to conform with,
rather than try to circumvent, the court's ruling."
THE PRESIDENT COMMENTS
President Eisenhower commented on the integration question at a press
conference on November 2 3 .
As reported by the newspapers, "The President said he believed the
Supreme Court would avoid any arbitrary order on the integration process and
weigh practical problems and deep-seated emotions involved* He remarked that
the court might try to devise a way to bring about de-segregation under some
form of decentralized process."

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                    <text>NOFLACXto G
t

�NO TAX RISE;
NO COUNTY
BONDS

Federal funds have already been
appropriated for planning and
construction of low-rent hous
ing by local authorities. Rents
m ust c o v e r o p e ra tin g and
m anagem ent costs. The
Authority’ housing program
s
will not cause any bond obliga
tion on the county.

28 YEARS OF
FEDERAL TAXES.
BUT NO HOUSING

We have helped pay for over
a half million housing units in
other communities through our
Federal taxes. T h is is our
chance to receive something in
return for our tax dollars.

COUNTY
CONTROLLED

The County Board of Super
v is o r s a p p o in ts fiv e lo ca l
citizens to run the Authority.
The Board of Supervisors must
approve the housing proposed
by the Authority. Projects must
co m p ly w ith local building
codes, zoning and master plans.
Rents, income limits, and resi
d en ce requ irem en ts are all
determined locally.

AUTHORITY
CONTRIBUTES
REVENUE

While the County would not tax
housing owned by the Author
ity, approximately 10% of rents
would be paid to the County
as the Authority’ share of the
s
c o s t o f re gu la r m u nicipal
services.
F o r F u r t h e r I n f o r m a t io n C a ll:

JE 4-4085.

UNLESS
YOB V O T E

YEI

H

FOR A

REDEVELOPMENT AND
H O U SIN G AUTHORITY

ALL
WILL
BENEFIT

will
be able to afford decent housing
for the first time..
F a t h e r s will be able to keep their
jobs in the area..
M o t h e r s will have more money
to feed and clothe their families, |
when housing costs are reduced. I
C h i l d r e n will be given a "head
start” at school, with better
conditions at home enabling
them to study and get a good
night’ sleep.
s
T h e e l d e r l y , most often victims
of poverty, can live in housing
designed for their special needs,
with social and medical services
readily at hand.
C o u n t y t a x p a y e r s will benefit
from reduced health and welfare
c o s t s as im proved housing
conditions, lower disease rates,
and lower rents help families
remain independent.
F a m ilie s w it h lo w in c o m e s

P r iv a te e m p l o y e r s a n d c o u n t y

can better retain
lower skilled workers in essen
tial s e rv ice operations. At
present these workers cannot
find housing in the area or are
being forced to leave. Many
become discouraged at having
to commute long distances to
work, and quit.
P r i v a t e c o n t r a c t o r s will build
the housing for the Authority,
and thus will be able to serve the
low in c o m e m ark et w hile
making a fair profit.
govern m en t

T H IS A U T H O R IT Y IS
N E C E SSA R Y BECA U SE:
County long-term residents are being forced
from their homes by housing code enforcement
and suburban development.
Those low-income families displaced cannot
afford housing in the County or metropolitan
area.
Private builders have not been able to construct
low-cost housing.
The County should not continue to displace these
workers and their families without ensuring they
have a place to go.
A local Redevelopment and Housing Authority
using Federal funds can provide truly low-rent
housing.
League of Women Voters— Fairfax Area, SO 8-9327

or

RESIDENCE
REQUIREMENTS
CUSTOMARY

Our local Authority can, and
most authorities do, set up resi
dence requirements to ensure
that the housing is built for
Fairfax County residents.

Fairfax County Citizens for Adequate Housing,

�in

L**-"

l

!UI1"1'1'---

Inferior Housing

,\?.
5

Aid Sought for Evicted Fairfax

n

Gum Springs Fire Victims Relocated
Many Endorse Housing Authority
The Housing Authority for Fairfax County has
been endorsed by: two official county committees set
up to study the problem; the County Board of Public
Welfare; the Housing Hygiene Board; the Health and
Welfare Council; the Federation of Civic Associations;
the League of Women Voters; Catholic Church
Women; the Christian Family Movement; the Vienna
Town Council; the Fairfax Division, Council of
Churches of Metropolitan Washington; the Fairfax
County Council on Human Relations and many other
county-wide and local church and community
organizations.
Over 850 county citizens and freeholders petitioned
the Board of Supervisors to call a referendum. The
Board called the referendum by resolution, for
Tuesday, November 2, 1965. In its resolution the
Board stated: “There is a shortage of safe and sani
tary dwelling accommodations in the County available
to persons of low income at rentals that they can
afford.”
Sixteen Virginia communities have housing au
thorities, including Alexandria, Harrisonburg, Norfolk 1
and Richmond.

VOTE 'FOR'' ON NOV. 2 1965

I

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                    <text>Dear Mrs. Friauf,
Shirle y stayed home on Monday in loyalty to her
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                    <text>FROM: 3037 N. STAFFORD STREET
ARLINGTON 7, VIRGINIA

Bulk Rate
U. S. POSTAGE

I'Ac PAID
Arlington, Va.
Permit No. 315

W HAT’S AHEAD
Peter Morstein, Barbara S
&amp; Barbara S Marx
6897 N Washington Blvd
Arlington 13, Va
11

FOR A R LIN G TO N ?
X

6 © 0 § GOVERNMENT BY ABCThe central issue of this contest for the Arlington

OR MORE MISRULE BY A IM ?
affiliated candidates to the School Board.

County Board is whether the ABC program for good
government and good schools will be carried out.

This year the voters can finish the job by electing
ABC candidate Curtis Tuthill.

Last year the voters made a determined start toward

Curtis Tuthill’ election will give ABC a -working
s

putting that program into effect by overwhelmingly

majority on the County Board, and this majority will,

electing Ralph Kaul and David Krupsaw, the ABC

in turn, give Arlington the kind of responsible govern

candidates, to the two open seats on the five-man

ment that the great majority of our citizens want.
Here is a concrete program for Arlington.

County Board.
They also

overwhelmingly

elected all the ABC-

Here

are the policies which Curtis Tuthill and ABC support.

WHAT ABC STANDS FOR
A B C believes that long-range comprehensive planning must be the cornerstone of county policy. Arling
ton continues to grow.
has been lost.

That growth must not continue to be haphazard and undirected.

Much time already

A well-ordered, carefully drawn plan is needed now for the development of parks and play

grounds, streets and sidewalks, water and sewage distribution systems, storm drainage, libraries, and parking
facilities near business areas.

Arlington businessmen will be placed at a competitive disadvantage and Arling

ton homeowners will be threatened by falling property values if we plunge blindly into an unmapped future.
ABC worked for and will fully support the newly reestablished Planning Commission.

A B C supports, and will strive to improve still further, our excellent public school system. ABC believes in
adequate school budgets to make sure our children keep receiving basic and up-to-date training, as well as the
other benefits of a well-administered educational program.

ABC will resist all attempts to close or immobilize

our public schools, to deprive them of state funds, or to take them out of the hands of the people of Arlington.

�A B C regards the zoning ordinance as a contract between the County Board and the people of Arlington.
This contract should be amended only when the public interest so requires. Spot zonings for the benefit of land
speculators will be vigorously opposed by ABC.
Z&amp;IBCC believes in keeping taxes to the absolute1minimum consistent with providing the essential services
demanded by the people.

ABC will keep taxes down by careful scrutiny of every budget item, thorough

exploration of new revenue sources, vigorous collection of taxes when due, and careful planning for public
improvements.

ABC pledges to make sure we get the most mileage out of each penny spent.

A B C believes that all citizens should be made to feel at home when presenting their views to the County
Board.

Hostility to citizens’ groups and community associations is indefensible.

ABC suggests that the

County Board should cooperate with neighborhood associations desiring to set up non-profit swimming pools
and other recreation facilities.
ABC

believes in strengthening, not limiting, the franchise.

will work to regain our right to have an elected School Board.

ABC believes in an elected School Board and
ABC believes that Federal employes should

be permitted to serve on the County Board and will endeavor to reestablish that right.
holders’ veto over bond issues.

ABC opposes a free

ABC endorses full citizen participation in county affairs.

AT THE
The ABC Board members, though a m n r t , have e e g t c l y pressedfor
ioiy
nreial
t e ABC program .and already have accomplished much.
h
HOW ABC HAS WORKED FOR ARLINGTON
The ABC B oard m em bers, sh ortly after th eir election last year, d ram a
tized the absence o f effectiv e county plan n in g and forced the Board to
reestablish the P lanning Com m ission.
The ABC B oard m em bers focu sed pu blic attention on requests fo r rezon in gs which th reaten ed residential n eigh borh ood s o r orderly com m ercial
d evelopm en t.
The ABC B oard m em bers ex p osed the AIM polity of sellin g bon ds b e
fore the County w as read y to spen d the m on ey on plann ed projects. ABC
m em bers revealed that this practice w as costin g taxpayers at least $35,000
annually.

HOW AIM HAS HURT ARLINGTON

1

^ - The AIM County B oard tried to abolish the P lanning C om m ission an d
scattered its fu nctions a m o n g th ree u n coord in ated com m ittees.
The AIM Board a b a n d on ed A rlington's six-year plan for County im
provem ents.
The AIM B oard h as rep ea ted ly d a m a ged residential n eig h b o rh o o d s by
rezon in gs. Exam ples: the Sickles tract on the old Shirley H om es site in
South Arlington, r ezon ed to h igh -density apartm en ts o ver the virtu ally
u n anim ou s opp o sitio n o f the w h ole area . . . the Altha Hall tract betw een
Lee H ighw ay and Spout Run, w hich w a s rezon ed from detach ed - h om e use to
high-density apartm en ts o ver the opp o sitio n o f the P lann in g Com m ission, the
Zon in g an d Land Use C om m ittee, the County's P lanning Division, an d the
citizens o f the area.

The ABC Board m em bers o p p o sed the freeholders' v eto proposal, which
The AIM Board forced tax p a y ers to p a y u n n ecessary in terest on bon ds
w ou ld v irtually disenfranchise, in bon d elections, all our citizens w h o rent
1 by sellin g th em lo n g in a d van ce o f the actu al con stru ction o f projects.
their hom es.
The AIM Board p etition ed the L egislatu re to a u th orize the freeh olders'
The ABC Board m em bers su pported an ad equ ate sch ool b u d get and
! referendum .
w orked in h arm ony w ith the School Board.
The AIM B oard slash ed sch ool b u d gets an d in terfered in the p o licy
The ABC Board m em bers stron gly o p p o sed the M oncure bill an d testified
m ak ing functions o f the Sch ool Board.
again st it in Richmond.
The AIM Board form ally spon sored an d a d o p ted a resolu tion u rging the
The ABC Board m em bers tried twice, w ithout success, to get AIM Legislature to abolish A rlington's right to elect a Sch ool Board.
m em bers to u rge the Legislature to tak e no action which w ou ld d a m a ge or
destroy ou r locally con trolled, free pu blic sch ools, or w hich w ou ld deprive
A rlington o f its sh are o f state fu nds for public education.

The AIM Board v oted d ow n a resolu tion w hich w ou ld h av e pu t the
County on record as o p p o sin g state legisla tion w hich w ou ld d a m a g e or
d estroy ou r locally con trolled pu blic schools.

�THE ABC CANDIDATE FOR COUNTY BOARD

THE AIM CANDIDATE FOR COUHTY BOARD

Curtis Tuthill, the ABC candidate, is a t e s t e d a n d e x p e r i e n c e d
public servant. E l e c t e d to Arlington’ first elected School
s
Board in 1947, he was r e e le c t e d in 1949 on his record of
accomplishments. He served as Chairman of the School Board
for part of his second term.

The AIM record has been so bad that some of the supporters
of the AIM candidate, Dr. L. H. Blevins, are trying to create
the impression that Dr. Blevins is d iff e r e n t from the o ld

Curtis Tuthill is, in fact, one of the principal architects of
Arlington’ nationally recognized school system.
s
During his six years on the School Board, Curtis Tuthill
faced many of the same problems that confront a member of
the County Board— h o w t o p la n a h e a d t o k e e p p a c e w ith
A r lin g t o n ’ g row th , h o w
s
f li c t in g n e e d s, h o w

to

e s t a b lis h

p r i o r it i e s a m o n g

con

t o u n d e r s t a n d a n d e v a lu a te c o m p l ic a t e d

g o v e r n m e n t bu d gets.

Curtis Tuthill,

h im s e l f a r e s id e n t o f A r l in g t o n f o r 14 y ea rs

has met with civic associations
and advisory committees, over the years, from every corner
of Arlington and every field of interest. H e k n o w s A r l in g t o n
a n d a h o m e o w n e r f o r 8 years,

A I M c liq u e .
B u t t h e f a c t s s h o w th a t D r . B le v in s is 1 0 0 % A IM .

Dr. Blevins has been a member of AIM since its founding
in 1952 and has publicly supported every AIM candidate in
every election for County Board and School Board.
D r . B le v in s w a s h im s e l f a n A I M c a n d id a t e f o r S c h o o l B o a r d
la st year. H e w a s d e c i s i v e ly d e fe a te d .
D r. B le v in s a ls o s ta te s th a t h e f a v o r s t h e A I M - e n d o r s e d
M o n c u r e bill, w h ic h t o o k a w a y A r l in g t o n ’ r ig h t t o e le c t a
s
S c h o o l B o a rd .

Dr. Blevins has said he would have voted to request the
Legislature to approve that bill had he been on the County
Board when the question arose.
T h u s D r. B le v in s, h a v in g p r e s e n t e d h im s e l f t o t h e v o t e r s
a n d h a v in g lo s t i n t h e S c h o o l B o a r d e le c tio n , is now o p p o s e d
to having the voters c h o o s e their School Board.

i n s id e a n d out.

Curtis Tuthill also served as campaign manager for the
ABC-Convention candidates who swept all offices in the
election last year.
Curtis Tuthill’ specific civic achievements are a matter of
s
record, a n d t h e v o t e r s h a v e t w i c e e n d o r s e d h im .

F R A LIN TO C U TY B A D O N V M E 6
O R G N ON
OR N OE BR

Curtis Tuthill helped formulate and wholeheartedly supports
the ABC program for Arlington.

SEGREGATION, INTEGRATION AND OUR PUBLIC SCHOOLS
Arlington faces a crisis in public education.
The situation has passed the point where it makes any
material difference whether anyone is personally for or against
segregation or integration.
Arlington is directly under the gun— under a Federal Court
order to desegregate its public schools this coming January.

I n t h is c r is is w e c a n n o t a ff o r d t o b e g o v e r n e d b y a n A I M
C o u n t y B o a r d , w h o s e m e m b e r s h a v e p r o v e d th e y c a n n o t b e
c o u n t e d o n t o s ta n d u p f o r A r lin g to n .

ABC includes both segregationists and integrationists. But
ABC believes it would be tragic and inexcusable to turn
Arlington into a segregation-integration battle ground.

T h e r e a l i\ su e a t t h is t i m e is w h e t h e r A r l in g t o n w i l l b e a b le

ABC

w ill d o

e v e r y t h in g

in

it s p o w e r t o a s su r e th a t n o

t o p r e s e r v e , k e e p o p e n a n d r u n its o w n s c h o o ls .

A r l in g t o n c h ild , w h it e o r c o lo r e d , w i l l b e r e q u i r e d t o a t t e n d

If our public schools are closed or paralyzed, the damage
will be incalculable.

a n i n t e g r a t e d s c h o o l.

The education of our children will be impaired, our teach
ing staff dispersed. Our school plant, Arlington’ largest
s
single public investment, will be jeopardized. Home and
property values will be threatened.
The present AIM County Board has refused to oppose
Governor Stanley’ program, which was fought by the entire
s
Arlington delegation in the Legislature. This punitive pro
gram can deprive Arlington annually of $1,300,000 in state
funds if the Federal Court order is upheld.

ABC will continue to fight for the right of the people of
Arlington t o r u n t h e ir o w n s c h o o ls .
ABC will do everything in its power to keep the schools
'open and to carry out the provisions of State and Federal
[law as finally determined by the Courts.
J

ABC pledges that if the State attempts to cut off Arlington’
s
rightful share of state funds, t h e A B C B o a r d m e m b e r s w i l l
ta k e e v e r y l e g a l m e a n s t o c o m p e l t h e S ta te T r e a s u r e r t o m a k e
p a y m e n t.

�WHAT’S AHEAD FOR ARLINGTOH?

THE CHOICE IS CLEARS

A iC = iiS T O R A T M OF @@@i GOVERNMENT
A IM = MORE YEARS OF MISRULE

VOTE
VOTE FI

TUTHILL

FOR ARLINGTON COUNTY BOARD ON NOV. 6!

N O T E : Neither N B C (A rlingtonians f o r a Better County
tior A I M

(Arlington

Independent Movement

) has

)

the official

sponsorship or endorsement o f either national politica l party.
A B C , however, numbers within its ra n is many leading A r lin g
ton Republicans, Democrats, non-partisans and independents.

ABC CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE FOR CURTIS E. TUTHILL
3 3 North
07

Stafford Street, Arlington

7 Va.
,

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                    <text>UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS
FOR THE FOURTH CffiCUTT
No. 10,208.

Walter Raymond Wanner, an infant, by Raymond Wanner,
father, and Frances S. Wanner, mother, and
next friend, et al.,
Appellees,
versus
County School Board of Arlington County, Virginia,
Appellant.

A p p e a l from t h e U n it e d S tates D is t r ic t C ourt for
t h e E astern D is t r ic t of V ir g in ia , a t A le x a n d r ia .
O r en R. L e w is , D is t r ic t J udge .

(Argued December 6, 1965.

Decided February 7, 1966.)

Before H a y n sw o r t h , Chief Judge, and S o beloff , B ore m a n and B e l l , Circuit Judges.
Edmund D. Campbell and Peter J. Kostik for Appellant,
and LeRoy E. Batchelor (Michael E. McKenzie on
brief) for Appellees.

�S o eeloff,

Circuit Judge:

For the fifth time the public school problems of Arling­
ton County, Virginia, are before this court. In the earlier
chapters of this protracted litigation, Negro children were
seeking decrees ordering the School Board to admit them
to formerly white schools or other relief to advance the
desegregation of the races in the county’s school system.
The novel feature of the present appeal is that when the
Board acted, as it thought, to comply with earlier orders
of this court as well as to improve the educational system
of the county, it was, at the instance of white parents,
enjoined by the District Court from putting its plans into
effect.1 From this injunction the Board now appeals.
The plan for the desegregation of the county’s all-Negro
Hoffman-Boston Junior High School, the District Court
held, deprives the white plaintiffs of their rights under
the Fourteenth Amendment and under the provisions of
the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The District Court reasoned
that the plan was the product of an “erroneous” belief on
the part of the School Board that it was under a court
order to close the all-Negro Hoffman-Boston Junior High
School; that racial balance was the prime criterion used
in redrawing the boundaries and that considerations based
1 T he School Board adopted its plan on M arch 25, 1965, after public hearings.
Plaintiffs’ complaint, filed April 12, 1965, sought both a preliminary and a
permanent injunction to preyent the Board from implementing its plan. On
April 21, 1965, the District Court held a hearing on the motion for a preliminary
injunction and denied the motion. The merits were heard on May 19 and 21,
1965, but no opinion was rendered until August 6, 1965, and no final order was
entered until August 23, 1965. The School Board petitioned this court for a
stay of the injunctive order, and by assignment of the Chief Judge of the
circuit, the writer of this opinion, after taking testimony and hearing argument
on August 25, 1965, granted a stay pending appeal. T he A rlington school
system opened the 1965-1966 school year under the new plan.

�on race are constitutionally impermissible; and that there
was no evidence to support the School Board’s contention
that the plan was educationally more desirable than the
previous arrangement.
Before proceeding to the merits, it is important to recall
that the School Board of Arlington County has since 1956
been under injunctive orders approved by this court, pro­
hibiting racial segregation in the Arlington public schools.2
In Brooks v. County School Board of Arlington County,
324 F.2d 303 (4th Cir. 1963), this court reversed an order
of the District Court dissolving the injunction and ordered
its reinstatement. Our opinion specifically noted the claims
of the Negro plaintiffs that “the Hoffman-Boston district
was originally created for Negroes when the maintenance
of the segregated system was the avowed policy and prac­
tice” and that “Hoffman-Boston remains as it was con­
trived, a Negro enclave entirely surrounded by white
school zones.” This court further had occasion to declare
that “the District Court’s finding that there is no evidence
to sustain the charge that geographical boundaries were
established to maintain segregation is clearly erroneous.”
324 F.2d at 308.
2 Sub nom. School Board of City of Charlottesville v. Allen, 240 F.2d 59
(4th Cir. 1956), cert, denied, 353 U.S. 911 (1957), affirming Thompson v.
County School Board of Arlington County, 144 F.Supp. 239 (E.D .V a. 1956) ;
Thompson v. County School Board of Arlington County, 252 F.2d 929 (4th
Cir.), cert, denied, 356 U.S. 958 (1958), affirming 159 F.Supp. 567 (E.D.Va.
1957) ; Hamm v. County School Board of Arlington County, 263 F.2d 226
and 264 F.2d 945 (4th Cir. 1959), affirming in part and remanding in part
Thompson v. County School Board of Arlington County, 166 F.Supp. 529
(E.D .V a. 1958) ; Brooks v. County School Board of Arlington County, 324
F.2d 303 (4th Cir. 1963), reversing Thompson v. County School Board of
Arlington County, 204 F.Supp. 620 (E.D .V a. 1962).

�4
While it is true, as the District Court has stated, that
the Brooks decision did not place the School Board under
a specific order to close Hoffman-Boston, the opinion made
it perfectly clear that this court considered intolerable the
continued maintenance of Hoffman-Boston as an all-Negro
junior high school. Our opinion admonished the School
Board that it had “the primary authority and responsibility
to bring the school system into complete conformity with
the law.” 324 F.2d at 308.
Before proposing a new school districting plan, the
School Board appointed a Criteria Committee, a panel of
nineteen citizens, to render advice respecting school at­
tendance areas. On February 11, 1965, it unanimously
reported that
“The present boundaries of the [Hoffman-Boston]
district served by this all-Negro junior high school
are completely artificial. The district is divided into
two entirely separate subdivisions by the Army-Navy
Country Club. The Gunston Junior High School dis­
trict surrounds Hoffman-Boston on three sides.”
W ith the findings of the Criteria Committee and the
rulings of this court in mind, the School Board adopted a
plan whereby three former junior high school districts
(Hoffman-Boston, Thomas Jefferson, and Gunston) have
been combined into two new districts (Jefferson and
Gunston). The racial composition of each of the two new
districts is approximately 75% white pupils and 25%
Negro. When the School Board adopted its plan, it had
knowledge of the racial imbalance in the student population
of the districts involved and was aware that the new plan
would result in reducing the imbalance.

�5
The new Jefferson District operates its junior high
school classes in two school buildings—the former Hoff­
man-Boston Junior High building, which houses seventh
graders, and the former Thomas Jefferson Junior High
building, which houses eighth and ninth graders.
The appellees do not contend, nor did the District Judge
find, that the newly-created districts represent artificial
boundary lines.3 Rather, the plan is attacked on the grounds
that the School Board “took race into consideration” in
redrawing the boundary lines, and that the plaintiffs are
denied equal educational opportunities because the newlycreated Jefferson district will be maintained not as a singlebut as a dual-building district, separating the seventh grade
pupils from the eighth and ninth grade pupils.

I
In ruling that the School Board in the existing circum­
stances is prohibited from considering race when redrawing
school attendance districts, the District Court was clearly
in error.
If a school board is constitutionally forbidden to institute
a system of racial segregation by the use of artificial
boundary lines, it is likewise forbidden to perpetuate a
system that has been so instituted. It would be stultifying
to hold that a board may not move to undo arrangements
artificially contrived to effect or maintain segregation, on
the ground that this interference with the status quo would
3 Furthermore, the total amount of busing under the new arrangement is
approximately the same as under the old.

�6
involve “consideration of race.” When school authorities,
recognizing the historic fact that existing conditions are
based on a design to segregate the races, act to undo these
illegal conditions—especially conditions that have been ju­
dicially condemned—their effort is not to be frustrated on
the ground that race is not a permissible consideration. This
is not the “consideration of race” which the Constitution
discountenances.
Here the Board, abandoning the racially gerrymandered
lines of the past, adopted legally permissible geographic
lines. This action was within the Board’s lawful discretion.
It is no ground of objection that other geographic lines
might also have been drawn that would be less disruptive of
the segregated pattern. An otherwise permissible redistrict­
ing plan does not become vulnerable because it attains a
measure of racial balance.
There is no legally protected vested interest in segrega­
tion. If there were, then Brown v. Board of Education4
and the numerous decisions based on that case would be
pointless. Courts will not say in one breath that public
school systems may not practice segregation, and in the
next that they may do nothing to eliminate it.
The District Court and the plaintiffs place undue reliance
on Bell v. School Board of Gary, Indiana, 324 F.2d 209
(7th Cir. 1963), cert, denied, 377 U.S. 924 (1964). That
case held that a federal court could not compel a school
board to realign, in order to effectuate racial balance, school
districts whose boundaries were innocently arrived at with
4 Brown v. Board of Educ. of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954).

�no intent to maintain or perpetuate segregation.5 Some
courts have disagreed.6 However this may be, in the case
before us the record establishes beyond dispute that the
Hoffman-Boston school district was the product of in­
vidious racial discrimination.
No case was cited to this court, nor has one been found,
which has prohibited a school board, when drawing or re­
drawing school attendance lines, from reducing or eliminat­
ing segregation, even where segregation was de facto, much
less when brought about by a deliberate policy of separation
of the races.7 The Arlington County School Board has a
more compelling case, for it was dealing not with de facto
5
T hat holding was followed in Downs v. Board of Educ. of Kansas City,
336 F.2d 988 (10th Cir. 1964), cert, denied, 380 U.S. 914 (1965). Cf. Barksdale
v. Springfield School Comm., 348 F.2d 261 (1st Cir. 1965), vacating 237
F.Supp. 543 (D.Mass. 1965). Plaintiffs' citation of Gilliam v. School Board of
City of Hopewell, Virginia, 345 F.2d 325 (4th Cir. 1965), is also misplaced
This court there held that the school board could not be required to abandon
neighborhood schools and transport pupils from one area to another solely for
the purpose of integrating the schools. The Supreme Court vacated the judg­
ment in Gilliam on other grounds. 34 U.S.L. W eek 3170 (Nov. 15, 1965).
0 Blocker v. Board of Educ. of Manhassct, New York, 226 F.Supp. 208
(E.D .N .Y . 1964) ; Branche v. Board of Educ. of Town of Hempstead, New
York, 204 F.Supp. 150 (E.D .N .Y . 1962) ; Jackson v. Pasadena City School
Dist., 59 Cal.2d 876, 382 P.2d 878 (1963). Sec Judge J. Skelly W right, “Public
School Desegregation: Legal Remedies for De Facto Segregation,” 40
N.Y.U.L.Rev. 285 (1965).
7 Cases in which courts have refused to enjoin a school board from imple­
menting a plan designed to eliminate de facto segregation are Fuller v. Volk,
230 F.Supp. 25 (D .N .J. 1964) ; Morean v. Board of Educ. of Montclair, 42
N.J. 237, 200 A.2d 97 (1964) ; Addabo v. Donovan, 16 N.Y. 2d 619, 209 N.E.2d
112 (1965) ; Vetere v. Allen, 15 N.Y.2d 259, 206 N.E.2d 174 (1965) ; Balaban
v. Rubin, 14 N.Y.2d 193, 199 N.E.2d 375, cert, denied, 379 U.S. 881 (1964).
See Fiss, “Racial Imbalance in the Public Schools: T he Constitutional Con­
cepts," 78 Harv.L.Rev. 564, 574-583 (1965).

�8
segregation but with the constitutionally forbidden prac­
tice of maintaining school attendance areas fixed with an
eye to the separation of the races.8
Moreover, there is no basis whatsoever for the District
Court’s assertion that the School Board closed “an exist­
ing neighborhood school” in order to create racial balance.
Neither Hoffman-Boston, nor Thomas Jefferson, nor
Gunston was a truly “neighborhood” junior high school
district. Because Thomas Jefferson and Gunston were
contiguous to the Hoffman-Boston Negro enclave, the
boundary lines of the former two were a creation of the
racial gerrymandering of the Hoffman-Boston district and
assumed the same artificial character as the Hoffman-Bos­
ton boundary lines. Certain white children in the old
Gunston and Thomas Jefferson districts passed through
sections of the Hoffman-Boston district in going to their
respective schools. In drawing new and more natural
boundary lines, the Board mitigated the effects of the per­
sistent policy of segregation. In so doing, it has not ex­
ceeded its powers or violated its duty or the rights of the
complainants.
II
The District Court found that there is no evidence to sup­
port the School Board’s determination that the plan affords
the affected pupils educational opportunities greater than
those available to them under the old system. It would be
a dispositive answer to say that, where a school board is
attempting in good faith to eliminate or reduce segregation,
8 See Dowell v. School Board of Oklahoma City, 244 F.Supp. 971 (W .D.
Okla. 1965).

�9
courts are not commissioned to enter into a debate with
school authorities as to which redistricting plan among
several is preferable from an educational standpoint.
Moreover, we are of the view that the District Court’s
factual finding is clearly erroneous. There is no support
in the record for the complainants’ contention, accepted
by the District Court, that the dual-building Jefferson
District impairs the educational opportunities of the
Jefferson Junior High School students. To the contrary,
all the evidence is that the new arrangement, despite the
dual-building feature, is educationally more advantageous.
The Criteria Committee advised the School Board that
current thinking among educators is that junior high schools
afford optimum educational opportunities when the size of
the student body allows “two, three or more sections per
elective subject * * * in order to provide adequate staffing
and groupings according to the needs and abilities of all
the children.” The Committee reported that in Arlington
the small junior high schools
“have been recognized as less effective and less
efficient because of such problems as too few children
for adequate groupings, greater daily demands on
teachers who must plan for more than one grade level
or subject offering, and more difficulty in scheduling
classes and in assigning special teachers and librarians
to such schools on a full time basis.”
The Committee’s unanimous report supported the School
Board’s view that a junior high school provides optimum
educational advantages when the student body ranges from
950 to 1200 pupils. The Hoffman-Boston school building has
a capacity of 610, and the Thomas Jefferson building has a
capacity of 725. Gunston’s capacity is 1050.

�10
After holding public hearings on March 11 and March 18,
1965, and considering the opinion of professional educators,
the School Board rendered its final decision that the educa­
tional interests of the children involved would be best served
by combining the three old districts into two new ones. In
a letter to the parents, dated March 16, 1965, entitled “In­
formation Relating to the New Junior High School Dis­
trict,” School Superintendent Ray E. Reid pointed out that
neither the Hoffman-Boston nor the Thomas Jefferson
building was large enough to accommodate a student body of
the desirable size; that by combining the two schools certain
courses could be made available which were not formerly
offered in either of these districts ;8 that “in some subjects,
the larger size school makes it possible for grouping of
students with similar abilities and similar learning prob­
lems.”
In 1964, before the adoption of the School Board’s plan,
four of the county’s seven junior high schools (Gunston,
Kenmore, Stratford, and Williamsburg) were within, or
very near to the optimum size of 950 to 1200 students. Of
the remaining three (Hoffman-Boston, Thomas Jefferson,
and Swanson) the plan brings two (Hoffman-Boston and
Thomas Jefferson) within the Criteria Committee’s recom­
mendations and the Board’s policy. The remaining district,9
9 In a letter to the parents, dated March 16, 1965, and at the District Court
hearing Superintendent Reid stated that the following courses were available
at Gunston but not at Thomas Jefferson or Hoffman-Boston: French 2J,
Spanish 2J, Latin 1-9, Intermediate Strings, Personal Typing. The following
courses were available at Gunston but not at Hoffman-Boston: Reading 9,
Journalism, French I-S, Spanish I-J, Spanish I-E, Spanish 2-E, Geometry,
E arth and Space Science, W orld History and Geography, Boys Chorus, Girls
Chorus 8, Girls Chorus 9, Beginning Strings, Orchestra, Radio and Electronics.
Superintendent Reid concluded that the size of the new Jefferson school should
make these courses available.

�11
Swanson, had an enrollment in 1964 of 732 students in a
building with a capacity for 700. Thus, the effect of the
adopted plan is that all but one of the junior high schools
in Arlington County now conform to the minimum educa­
tional standards established by the School Board.
Superintendent Ray E. Reid testified that he would prefer
that a new junior high school building be built to accom­
modate all the students in the newly formed Jefferson Dis­
trict, and that he was prepared to recommend a bond issue for
this purpose to the voters of Arlington.1 However, Mr.
0
Reid went further, and testified that even if the bond issue
were defeated by the voters, he would still recommend and
support the enlarged Jefferson District with its dual-building
arrangement as educationally more desirable than the
former three-district system. The educational deficiencies
under the old system, Mr. Reid added, were “significant,”
and the educational loss to the children from its continued
use would be “irreparable.”
Plaintiffs argue that if the Board in redistricting Hoff­
man-Boston, Thomas Jefferson, and Gunston were sincerely
motivated in part by educational criteria, it would have
rearranged the Swanson District also. The Swanson District,
however, was not shown to be a product of racial segrega­
tion, and the compelling circumstances that led the Board to
rearrange Hoffman-Boston and its contiguous districts did
not obtain with respect to Swanson. If the Board had not
been under a duty to realign the Hoffman-Boston, Thomas
10 The bond issue was in fact proposed by the School Board on September 30,
1965, but was defeated by the voters on November 2, 1965. A bond issue for
the expansion of the Swanson Junior High School was also proposed, and was
approved by the voters.

�12
Jefferson, and Gunston Districts, perhaps it would not have
moved at this time to change the pre-existing arrangement.
But it was under a duty to rearrange the gerrymandered
districts and did so in such a way as to achieve what it
considered optimum educational advantages under all the
circumstances. That the Board did not deem it feasible to
go further and realign the Swanson District at this time
does not cast doubt upon the testimony of the School Board
members and the Superintendent that in their deliberate
judgment the manner in which the gerrymandered districts
were realigned is educationally advantageous.
The fact that the plaintiffs would have preferred a plan
which retained the three-district system, concededly with
rearranged boundary lines, provides no valid constitutional
ground for upsetting the School Board’s conclusion that the
two-district system is educationally more desirable. There
has been no showing that the School Board’s plan has un­
constitutionally deprived any of the plaintiffs of equal
educational opportunities because of their race.
This record plainly shows that the School Board has not
been arbitrary, that it has in fact proceeded fairly and
with integrity. The District Court exceeded its authority
when it undertook to override the School Board’s action
taken with the genuine purpose of complying with the law
of the land and enhancing the county’s educational system.
The order of the District Court is
Reversed

A dm . Office, U. S. C o u rts—3454—7 -1 -6 5 —135—L aw yer* P rin tin g C o ., R ichm ond, V a. 23207

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                <text>This image is subject to copyright. Unauthorized use of the images in the Local History Collections of the Arlington Community Archives is prohibited.</text>
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NOIlV^^IOd NI 1V93N39
A M ER ICA N IZA TION C U S S E S

SE W IN G AND TAILORING

The Arlington Schools, through their
Adult Education Program, provide in
struction for the foreign-bom in the funda
mentals of English, the principles of
American government and the American
way-of-life. English for the Foreign-bom
is now available. It is designed to bridge
the gap between Americanization and
English I— a high school English course.

Develop new skills, through the popular
Bishop Method of Sewing or Tailoring.
Classes are open to a limited number of
students. Reserve your place now.

6
W OODW ORK IN G, B A SIC M ETAL WORKING,
AUTO M ECH AN ICS AND ELECTRONICS

Persons who wish to complete their high
school studies or to review various subjects
may do so through the Adult Education
• Program of the Arlington County Public
Schools conducted in the Senior and Junior
High Schools. Many graduates go on to
college or university for study.

B U SIN ESS AND M AN AGEM EN T TRAINING
In cooperation with government, busi
ness, labor and other groups, we will set up
special classes designed to help people de
velop more thorough understanding and
competency in particular fields. If inter
ested, please contact the Adult Education
Office, JA 2-7700, exts. 54 or 66 or JA
7-1001 during the day or JA 7-1001

Learn to “Do it Yourself” with our
courses designed to teach you woodwork
ing, metal working, auto mechanics, and
electronics. Adult classes in these fields are
proving very popular, so register promptly.

DRIVER TRAINING
Leam to drive safely and competently
in our dual-control vehicles. Seven hours
of individual, behind-the-wheel instruction
and seven hours of observation are given
by experienced instructors.

SECR ETA RIA L AND COM M ERCIAL
The great demand for competent secre
tarial and commercial employees continues
to grow. Our well-qualified staff can help
you prepare for a better job through de
velopment of your skills in typing, short
hand, bookkeeping and related fields.
A pilot program for
adults needing
quick and thorough t
brush-up in prepara- ^
tion for Civil Service
exams will Jse avail
able.

RESERVATION REQUEST
Please hold for

— • Reservations in.

(course or courses)

(school)

FOREIGN LANGUAGES, ART,
M U SIC AND LITERATURE
No one is truly educated who has failed
to foster some appreciation of our cultural
life and heritage. Why not avail yourself
of the opportunity to join other adults in
an informal, interesting quest for a fuller
understanding of art, or of music, or of
literature?

My check, payable to the Arlington County School Board, for-------------------------------------------ls enclosed herewith
• If reservations are for more than one person, please include
their name, address and telephone number.
NAME
ADDRESS
TELEPH ON E

Thome)

(bu i e s
sns)

U pon receipt of reservation request and payment o f tuition, receipt and class admission card will be forwarded to the
student. Admission card is to be given to instructor on the first night o f the course.

�A M ER ICA N IZATION
B egin n in g A m erican ization : Introduction to the Eng
lish language— for those who do not speak English.
Tuesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Cunningham— Room 222—
W-L.
In term ediate A m erican ization : Emphasis on vocabu
lary development, speech, reading and writing o f English.
For the foreign-born who have some knowledge of English
but wish to improve their skills in the language.
Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Cunningham— Room 222—
W-L.
A dvanced A m ericanization: Study of American gov
ernment and institutions in preparation for citizenship.
Thursday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Cunningham— Room 222—
W-L.
E n glish fo r th e F oreign -B orn : Designed to bridge the
gap for the foreign-born between Americanization and
English on the high school level.
Monday— 7-10 P.M.— Miss Lusk— R oom 115— W-L.

ENGLISH
E n glish I: Introduction to high school English. Gram
mar, composition, vocabulary drill.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. Drayer— Room
207— W-L.
Tucsday-Thursday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. Lindsey— Room
220— W-L.
E n glish I I : Tenth year level, recommended for those in
terested in reviewing fundamentals of grammar, essay
work, reading.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. Bryan— Room
223— W-L.
Tuesday-Thursday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. Lindsey— Room
220— W-L.
E n glish II I : Junior English emphasizes composition, de
velopment of skills in the fundamentals of grammar as well
as a survey of American literature.
Monday-Wednesday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mrs. Rich— Room
220— W-L.
Tuesday-Thursday— 7-8:30 P.M.— T o be announced—
Room 224— W-L.
E n glish I V : Senior English provides a review of grammar
and survey of English literature.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mrs. Rich— Room
220— W-L.
Tuesday-Thursday— 8:30-10 P.M.— T o be announced—
Room 224— W-L.
B u sin ess E n g lis h : The course is intended to improve
student’s oral and written communication skills for more
effective use on the job. Spelling, punctuation, composi
tion, vocabulary, business forms are stressed.
Tuesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mrs. Rich— R oom 115— W-L.
D ev elop in g W ord P o w e r : A greater understanding of
word structure, pronounciation, spelling and sound usage is
developed in this course. Correct use o f the English language is an asset.
Monday-Wednesday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. Bryan— Room
223— W-L.
E n glish f o r E v e ry o n e : A comprehensive grammar and
composition course designed to meet individual needs in the
area o f communication.
Tuesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. B ook - R oom 114— W-L.
F eature W ritin g: A writing workshop with major em
phasis on writing for the magazine market will be con
ducted by Frances Noel Crane,- whose highly successful
course in Creative Writing sparked this program. Other
non-fiction writing will be treated upon request. 15 sessions
— September 28 through January 11.
Wednesdays— 7:15-9:15 P.M.— Mrs. Crane— Room 115—
W-L.

Creative Writing for Publication

Three years ago the Adult Education Program introduced a
seminar to help writers and prospective writers to sell their short
was arranged. The guest speakers covered a wide range of the
literary world. Their presentations, followed by questions from
the class, helped many students to gain insights which resulted in
a heavy volume of sales by class members. Another series of lec
tures is planned. Class members will be entitled to receive pro
world of literature this course is a “must" item on your Spring
calendar. 12 sessions— February 23-May 1 .
1
Thursdays— 7 P.M.— Cafeteria— W-L
-9
Mrs. Frances Noel Crane
Arlington residents— $15
Non-residents— $25

SPEED READING CLINIC

An opportunity for adults to improve their reading patterns
at the well equipped reading clinic at Wakefield is available.
These classes, introduced three years ago, have attracted students
from the entire Metropolitan area. If you are an average reader
printed page, this course should please you. Particularly valu
able to the person whose job demands extensive reading.
Classes offered: Monday, September 26 through December 1 .
5
Also offered in the Spring, March 6 through May 25.
Tuition: Arlingtonians— $20
Non-residents— $30
Monday and Thursday— 7-8:15 P.M OR 8:30-9:45—
.
____________Mr. O’
Neill— Room 135— Wakefield_________

SO C IA L STU DIES
V irgin ia and U nited S ta te s H isto ry : Study of Amer
ica’ past from the age of discovery to the present. Re
s
quired for high school graduation.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. Pond— Room
219— .W-L.
Tucsday-Thursday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. Bloomingburg—
Room 207— W-L.
' /_________________
In trod u ction to M odern P sy ch olo gy
The study of psychology offers insight into the patterns of
human behavior and group adjustment to the forces of environ
ment. Designed to help you understand more clearly the per
sonal and social problems which confront us in the world of
1 &lt;iay‘Monday-Wednesday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. Pond0
Room 219— W-L
_________

Virginia and United States Government: Every citi
zen needs to know the structure and the functions of his
government. This course provides such information. In
cludes a study of current events. Students may be expected
to participate in various civic activities during the term.
Monday-Wednesday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. Drayer— Room
207— W-L.
Tuesday-Thursday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. Bloomingburg—
Room 207— W-L.
World Geography: Study of Man and the Changing
World. Understanding our fellow man, how he is influ
enced by natural environment, his contributions to the
world, and his problems.
Tuesday-Thursday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. Harris— R oom 219
— W-L.

M ATH EM ATICS

General Mathematics: A survey and review of practical
everyday mathematics which will increase your efficiency in
keeping accounts, making purchases, figuring your taxes,
interest and similar items.
Monday-Wednesday — 8:30-10 P.M. — Mr. Williams —
Room 221— W-L.
A lgebra I : Fundamentals of Algebra.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. Williams— Room
221— W-L.
Tuesday-Thursday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. Hannan— Room
203— W-L.
Plane Geometry : First year of Geometry.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-8:30 P.M.— 'To be announced—
Room 203— W-L.
Tuesday-Thursday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. Hannan— Room
203— W-L.
Algebra II: Second year of Algebra. Students must have
completed one year of Algebra.
Monday-Wednesday— 8:30-10 P.M.— T o be announced—
R oom 203— W-L.
Tuesday-Thursday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. Cosgrove— Room
225— W-L.
Trigonometry: Algebra I and I I are preliminary require
ments to this course.
Tuesday-Thursday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. Cosgrove— Room
225— W-L.
Spring— Wednesday— 7-10 P. M.— Mr. Morgan— Room
163— Wakefield.
Solid Geometry: Algebra and Plane Geometry are pre
liminary requirements to this course.
Wednesday— 7-10 P.M. — Mr. Morgan — R oom 163—
Wakefield.
Spring— Tuesday-Thursday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. Cos
grove— Room 225— W-L.

Accelerated Courses at Wakefield High School

Accelerated Algebra I : This course covers a full year’s
work in one semester. Excellent for those who need to review the subject or who need to gain rapid mastery of first
year Algebra.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Scott— Room 161
— Wakefield.
A ccelerated Plane G e o m e try : Course covers an entire
year’ work in one semester.
s
Tuesday-Thursday— 7-10 P.M.— T o be announced— Room
160— Wakefield.
A ccelerated A lgebra II: Second year high school Alge
bra. Student must have completed first year algebra in
order to enroll.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Pleacher— Room
160— Wakefield.

FOREIGN LANGUAGES

S P A N IS H
B egin n in g C onversational S p a n ish : Spanish is of par
ticular interest today because o f the growing economic and
cultural ties between the United States and Spanish-speak
ing peoples.
Tuesday— 7-10 P.M.— Miss Jones— Room 223— W-L.
In term ediate Conversational S p a n ish : For those who
have had the equivalent of one year of Spanish.
Thursday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Bavetta— Room 102— W-L.
A dvanced Conversational S pan ish : For those who
have had the equivalent of two years of Spanish.
Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mrs. Webb— Room 113— W-L.
FREN CH
B egin n in g C onversational F ren ch : Learn to read and
speak French. Easy, informal atmosphere characterizes all
classes in foreign languages.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. MacIntyre—
Room 248— Wakefield.
Monday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Degenhardt— R oom 113— W-L.
In term ediate Conversational F re n c h : For those who
have had the equivalent of one year of French.
Monday-Wednesday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. MacIntyre—
Room 248— Wakefield.
Tuesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Vienneau— R oom 113— W-L.
GERM AN
B egin n in g Conversational G erm an : An introductory
course in German which emphasizes fundamentals of the
language and which affords opportunities to converse in
German.
Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mrs. Neil— Room 243— Wake
field.
In term ediate C onversational G erm an : For those who
have had the equivalent of one year o f German.
Tuesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mrs. Neil— R oom 243— Wakefield.
R U SS IA N
B egin n in g Conversational R u ssian : Interest in Rus
sian is growing by leaps and bounds. Why not join one of
our informal Russian-study groups? Dr. Jones, the teacher,
has had extensive preparation in the language and is an
instructor o f proven ability.
Thursday— 7-10 P.M.— Dr. Jones— Room 244— Wakefield.

Education

is

not

In term ediate Conversational R u ssia n : Review of basic
elements. Russian history and culture will be included.
Some conversation, reading newspapers and contemporary
literature.
Wed — 7-10 P.M.— Dr. Jones— Room 244— Wakefield.
ITA L IA N
B egin n in g Conversational Italian : Learn to
read,
speak and enjoy the language of the Opera.
Tuesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Bavetta— R oom 102— W-L.

A RT AND M USIC

A ctive L isten in g to G ood M u sic: This class is designed
to provide opportunities for cultural growth and apprecia
tive listening in the realm of music. Mr. Crowder is an
eminent musicologist, who gives a well balanced presenta
tion to the "lay student” .
15 Sessions— September 21 through January 4.
Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Crowder— Room 127— W-L.
E n jo y in g G ood M u sic: The music of the great masters
constitutes an integral segment of our civilization. Learn
more about our musical heritage by registering in this class
designed to provide good listening and stimulating
discussion.
15 Sessions— February 15 through May 24.
Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Miss Alexander— Room 127—
W-L.
A rt— Fun dam entals o f D e s ig n : Our adult art classes
feature individual and group creativity, lectures, demon
strations and individual help. Work in oils, contc’ tem
pera, plasticine, and other media.
14 class meetings— September 28 through January 4.
Also offered in the Spring, February 1 through May 3
.
Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Anderson— Room 214—
W-L.
A pp reciation o f A r t : A study of man’ artistic achieve
s
ments from ancient times to the present. Gain an under
standing o f art as an indication of the thinking of the times
and as a record o f man’s varying positions in societies of
history.
15 sessions— September 21 through January 4
.
Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mrs. Gillilland— Room 102—
W-L.

SCIEN CE

B io logy : Study of plant and animal life and functions.
Tuesday-Thursday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. Lamkin— Room
208— W-L.
Tuesday-Thursday— 8:30-10 P.M.— Mr. Lamkin— Room
208— W-L.
C h e m istry : Introduction to high school chemistry. In
cludes laboratory work. Tuition plus $5 lab fee.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-9 P.M.— T o be announced— Room
149— Wakefield.
P h y sic s: Introduction to high school physics. Includes
laboratory1work. Tuition plus $5 lab fee.
Tuesday-Thursday— 7-9 P.M.— Mr. Ullrich— Room 159—
Wakefield.

B U SIN E SS AND M ANAGEM ENT
In trod u ction to Pu blic S peak in g : Gain confidence and
poise through improved oral expression. Our course in
public speaking will help your vocabulary, diction, and
power of expression. Techniques in group discussion and
informal conversation will also be presented. Designed
particularly for the businessman or woman, the civic, social
or religious worker whose ability to speak well is important
to success. 12 class meetings, September 28 through De
cember 1 . Also offered in the Spring, February 1 through
4
April 26. Tuition: Arlingtonians § 12, Non-residents, § 18.
Wednesday— 7-9 P.M.— Dr. Jean Ervin— Room 105—
W-L.
R eal E sta te : The continuing growth of our community
assures opportunities in the field o f real estate for both in
vestors and those employed in the business. This course is
a survey of Virginia law and practice, relationships between
buyer and seller, local market conditions, real estate invest
ment, property management and sound business practices.
14 sessions, September 27 through December 1 . Tuition:
3
Arlingtonians $14, non-residents $20. Also offered in the
Spring, February 7 through May 9.
Tuesday— 7-9 P.M.— Mr. Stanton— Rom 313— W-L.
Personnel A dm in istration and H um an R elations:
This class is offered in response to many requests from
people interested in the field of managing personnel. Each
session consists of instruction in the fundamentals of per
sonnel management in industry and business followed by
discussion of actual cases. This is a discussion type course
with no final examinations. Certificates of completion are
given to students and employers upon completion. Excel
lent for the individual working in small business and seek
ing guidance in effective personnel relations. 14 sessions,
September 29 through January 12. Also offered in the
Spring, February 2 through May 4. Tuition: Arlington
ians $14, Non-residents $20.
Thursday— 7-9 P.M.— Mr. Reynolds— Room 105— W-L.
H ow to In v est in S to c k s an d B on ds: In
cooperation
with firms associated with the New York Stock Exchange
the Arlington County Adult Education Program offers an
opportunity to the adults o f the area to learn the essentials
of investment. Designed for the housewife, professional
person, military careerist or businessman, this short course
will give you insight into the elements of sound investment.
8 sessions, October 3 through November 21. Tuition:
Arlingtonians $10, Non-residents $15.
Monday— 7:30-9:30 P.M.— Mr. Godridge— Room 313—
W-L.
Spring— March 6 through April 24.
In trod uction to B ook k eep in g: Important for those who
wish to undertake bookkeeping work in business or govern
ment. Helpful to housewives in keeping their household
expenditures. Essential to managers of small businesses.
Tuesday-Thursday— 7-8:30 P.M.— Mr. Westbrook— Room
237— Wakefield.

a

way

of

In trod u ction to E lectron ic C om pu ters an d M anage
m ent C on trol: Covers the latest developments in office
automation, machine functions of accounting machines,
automatic data processing. Individuals trained in this field
are in great demand. Why not get started now? 10 ses
sions, October 3 through December 5. Tuition: Arlingtonians § 12, Non-residents § 18.
Monday— 7-9 P.M.— Mr. Brady— Room 102— W-L.
SPRING— February 6 through April 10.
S a les T ra in in g C o u rses: Special emphasis in Salesmar
ship, Stockkeeping, Merchandise, Information and Con
trol, Advertising, Display, Human Relations, and Effective
Speech will be offered by the Distributive Education Serv
ice of the Arlington County Public Schools. Each section
will be taught by a specialist in that area. Separate an
nouncement o f course content, schedule and etc. available
upon request.

SH ORTHAN D AND TYPIN G
Classes in shorthand and typing are among the most
popular of all the courses presented by the Adult Education
Program. In order to accommodate the many adults who
desire to learn typing and/or shorthand, new classes in
these subjects are formed three times a year. Registration
for them may be made at any time during the school year.
Tuition is § 12 per term for Arlington residents and § 18 per
term for non-Arlingtonians for each subject. The follow
ing calendar indicates the dates for these classes:
Schedule for First Term: September 26 and 27 through
December 14 and 1 .
5
Class
Evenings
Time
Beginning Shorthand
Mon.-Wed.
7-8:30
Beginning Shorthand
T ues.-Thurs.
8:30-10
Beginning Shorthand
Tues.-Thurs.
7-8:30
Intermediate Shorthand
Mon.-Wed.
8:30-10
Intermediate Shorthand
Tues.-Thurs.
7-8:30
Advanced Shorthand
Advanced Shorthand
Mon.-Wed.
7-8:30
Advanced Shorthand
Tues.-Thurs.
7-8:30
Professional Shorthand
Tues-Thurs.
8:30-10
Beginning Typing
Mon.-Wed.
8:30-10
Beginning Typing
T ues.-Thurs.
7-8:30
Beginning Typing
Tues.-Thurs.
8:30-10
Intermediate Typing
Mon.-Wed.
7-8:30
Advanced Typing
Tues.-Thurs.
8:30-10
Advanced Typing
Mon.-Wed.
8:30-10

School

i

W-L

Teacher

227

W-L

227

Wakefield

238

W-L

227

Mrs. Geiger

10
0

M Rawls
rs.

W-L

229

W-L

229

W-L

227

12
0

W-L

21
3

Wakefield

238
10
2

Mrs. Dopier

W-L

21
3

Mis. Grant

T.J.

10
0

Mrs. Rawls

A ccelerated S horth and— B rush Up. This
new
ap
proach to help students seeking government positions is de
signed to concentrate on a detailed review of shorthand.
New audio-visual aids will be used in this program. Classes
will meet two nights a week for three hours per night for
12 weeks. Those seeking enrollment will be interviewed
by the instructor before registering. Because of the nature
o f this accelerated program, there will be a limited enroll
ment. Because of the special nature of this course, books
and other materials will cost each student $12.00. Tuition:
Arlingtonians— $20. Non-Arlingtonians— $30.
Monday-Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Green— -Room 229
W-L.
A ccelerated T y ping— B rush Up. New techniques in
typing skills designed to help students acquire speed pre
paratory to taking the Civil Service examinations or ob
taining better positions. Students registering for this course
will be interviewed by the instructor to ascertain their
background in the subject. Because of the special nature
of this course, book and other materials will cost each stu
dent $8.00. Tuition: Arlingtonians— $20. Non-Arlington
ians— -$30.
Mondav-Wcdnesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Mullins— Room
231— W-L.

W o od w ork in g: An informal course based on individual
projects. Includes planning, designing and construction of
projects in cabinet making, instruction in the use of hand
tools, the principles of joinery and the application of
finishes.
Monday and/or Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Mav—
Stratford Jr. High, 4100 N. Vacation Lane.
Tuesday and/or Thursday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Hodinko—
Shop 7— Wakefield.

Jewelry and Lapidary

will cover all the required steps in making a
precious gem stone from rough material to fin, sand and polish it. Then 1
'dry— rings, clasps, brooches, pi
i skill which c n be developed into an interest
and profitable hobby or
&gt; more technical skills which
greatly in demand in business ana inaustry today.
Tuesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Stcmplc— Shop 1 — Wakefield.
3
In troduction to M echanical D raw in g: The drafting
room at Stratford provides a good setting in which to learn
the essentials of mechanical drawing. This course includes
lettering, orthographic, isometric and oblique projection,
auxiliary drawing, sectioning and some architectural draw
ing.
Wednesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Saxman— Mechanical Draw
ing R oom — Stratford Jr. High.
M echanical D raw ing I I : For those who have completed
one year of mechanical drawing.
Monday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Saxman— Mechanical Drawing
Room— Stratford Jr. High.
A rt Metal and B a sic Metal W o rk in g: Designed for the
homemaker or hobbyist who desires a basic knowledge of
metal working and artistic metalwork. Basic metalworking
will cover sheet metal, soldering, brazing, metal spinning
and foundry work. Art metal will cover copper, tooling,
ornamental brass and aluminum wrought iron, and antique
metal work. Welding both arc and oxacctelene will be
given to interested students.
Tuesday-Thursday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Stiles— Shop 11—
Wakefield.

CLOTHING CON STRU CTION
By T h e B ISH O P M ETHOD
The Bishop Method of Clothing Construction is designed
to teach the techniques in construction that will result in a
garment that has “a quality look” . The Bishop Method is
based upon the following principles of good construction:
Grain perfection, accuracy in preparing, cutting, mark
ing fabrics, cutting to fit, perfection in stitching and in
pressing, and attaining a quality look with the right
The sequence consists o f :
T h e B egin n in g B a sic : For those just learning to sew;
how to select fabrics and a pattern, how to cut, mark, how
to use the sewing machine, how to construct a simple
garment.
Th e B a sic B ish op : For those who know how to sew but
who would like to improve their technique. This course is
a prerequisite for additional Bishop courses. A study of
new fabrics and fashions will accompany the making of
a blouse and skirt
T h e In term ediate: This course is a continuation o f the
Basic and consists of making a dress with cut-on sleeves, a
shirt-waist dress or a man’ shirt. Students must have
s
completed the Basic Bishop Course before enrolling in this
Th e A dvan ced: This course deals with problems of fit
ting. The projects will include a basic shell and a dress
using the student’ basic pattern. Prerequisite— The Basic
s
Bishop.
T ailorin g I : Students who have completed the Basic
Bishop are eligible for enrollment in this course. A topper
or long coat will be made.
This series of courses will be offered during, the fall
semester of 1960-1961. Each course will be 12 lessons in
length. Each class will meet once a week for 2'/a hours.

W OODW ORK IN G, ELECTRONICS, AUTO M ECH AN ICS,
JEW ELRY, DRAW ING AND M ETALW ORKING

B egin n in g E lectron ics: Fundamentals of radio theory.
Lecture, discussion and demonstration. Includes laboratory
practice. Tuition plus $5 shop fee. Student must also pur
chase $20 radio instructional kit.
Tuesday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Cerutti— Room 1 Wakefield.
—
In term ediate E lectron ics: Coverage of basic electronic
components to include study of radio transmitters and
electronic test instruments. Tuition plus $5 shop fee.
Monday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Rose— Room 1 Wakefield.
—
A dvanced E lectron ics: How to use television test pat
terns, deflection systems, television power supplies, tele
vision receiver alignment, FM receiver servicing, ultra high
frequency, FM receiver alignment. Tuition plus $5 shop
fee.
Thursday— 7-10 P.M.— Mr. Trompeter— Room 1 Wake
—
field.
A u tom obile M ech anics: This course covers the theory
of operation, construction, maintenance, repair, assembly
and adjustment of automobile components. Practical ex
perience is stressed and actual work in the Washington-Lee
auto shop is included. Learn how to service your own
vehicles. Enroll now.
Students will be organized into groups based on their
backgrounds in mechanics and the facilities available. Stu
dents should attend two nights a week. All registrants
should report to the W-L Auto Shop on Monday, Septem
ber 19 at 7 P.M. for an organizational meeting. Tuition is
§ 1 for Arlingtonians and $25 for Non-residents. Shop fee
5

life,

it

is

life - - -

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                    <text>�I t a ll s ta r te d . . .
when Junior sighed and looked up from his
homework :
“It says here one of the chief reasons America
is great and powerful i because of our economic
s
system. What is our economic system, Dad ?”

Uncle Sam smiled. “All right,” he said. “Couldn’ have come to a better
t
place. I suppose the story starts with the kind of people we are— represent
ing the knowledge and culture of many lands, but mostly venturesome,
hard-working and sharing a common belief in God and the dignity of the
individual. But let’ talk only about the American economic system.
s

Dad put down his paper and appeared to be
in deep thought.
“I’ like to know, too,” Mother put i .
d
n
“I think that today, especially, every American
ought to know as much as possible about
our economic system.”

“H o w do we make a liv in g ? . ..

“I think i has something to do
t
with how we live,” Sis said.

“That’ what economics i , you know. The study of how men make a living.
s
s
Let’ go back to the early days.
s

“Well I could give you a l sorts of
l
answers,” Dad said, “but maybe we
ought to get the story straight
from the one who knows
i best.”
t

■t
f\

“Well, like a l people in a new country, we Americans had to start from
l
scratch to find food, clothing and shelter.
“Each pioneer family supplied nearly a l i s own needs. It was a hard l f .
l t
ie
“W e had to work from dawn to dark to build homes, raise food and
weave cloth.

“W h o ’ that?” asked Junior.
s
“You’l recognize him a l
l
l
right,” Dad said. “Let’
s
go!”

“Gradually we found i was better for each man to do just one thing and
t
do i weU. One could build houses, another could raise food, a third could
t
weave cloth.

So they did . . .
y

m

Then the whole group w ould benefit because
each man could produce better and fa s te r”

�“Weren’ most of the early settlers poor people?”
t
Sis asked.
“Yes, by our standards today,” said Uncle Sam.
“But for that matter, the greater part of the
human race has been poor for ages. In most
countries, famine and want are always just
around the corner.

“First, we sought new kin ds o f p o w er

“E ven in A m erica
com forts a n d conveniences
used to be scarce.
“Only a very few rich people could enjoy
the things that today we take for
granted. They cost more than the
average man could afford.
“W h y ? Because everything was made by
hand— slowly. There was l t l progress.
ite
“This had been true for thousands of
years. Just think— George Washington
couldn’ travel a bit faster or more comfortably
t
than Julius Caesar did. There had been hardly
any improvement in transportation for
over 1700 years!
“Then came the American Revolution, in which
we won our freedoms of speech, the press, assembly
and religion.
“Everywhere men were demanding the right to think
and act as they pleased.
“They wanted a new economic freedom, too. And especially
here in America, the land of opportunity, millions have
found i .
t
“You can’ stop a really free people when they put their minds
t
to a problem.
“This time the problem was:
“H o w could we get more of the things we needed— make them
faster and at lower cost?

‘ e even used the wind to run our machines.
W
“Then we began to use water power to turn millstones and run looms. But
in some places no water power was to be had.
“W e needed something better. Our inventors and business men kept test
ing ahd trying. There would be big rewards in our free market for reliable
power that could be used anywhere.
“At last we had i — thanks to an ingenious Scotsman — James Watt.
t
He invented an engine driven by steam made from coal, and Americans
were quick to develop i .
t
“Later s i l we developed engines run by gasoline and electricity.
tl
‘ o w welre looking for ways to use atomic power.
N
“Today we use nearly 24 times more power than we did a cen
tury ago.
“Even in 1900, more than half the work of America was s i l
tl
done by sweating, straining animals and men.
“By 1950 the horse had nearly vanished from our streets and
farms. Animals supplied only 3 per cent of our work energy, men
another 8 per cent. Power-driven machines had taken over m o r e
than 90 per cent of the burden!
“ Year after year, m o r e a n d m o r e p o w e r has been used to run our

“We did it in three ways . . .
4

machines. Th e cheaper an d m o r e efficient that p o w e r becomes, the

i

m o r e w e can use it an d the greater is our production each hour!”

5

�“S econ d , we inven ted a n d used new machines

“T hird, we became more sk illfu l a t our jo b s

“Americans are known as inventive people. W h y ? Because we had the
incentive to profit by making improvements— and by backing them with
our savings.

“The same new freedoms that made Americans ingenious and inventive
made us better and better workers— no matter what our jobs.

“W h e n our people realized that they were free to shape their own destinies,
many began to devise machines which multiplied each m a n ’ work power.
s
“In 1799 Eli Whitney, inventor of the cotton gin that did 50 men’ work,
s
made history in filling an order for muskets awarded by the U. S. Army.
Instead of building each gun separately, he turned out standard parts
which could be used interchangeably on a n y gun.
“Hearing of this, the clocksmith Eli Terry started to make clocks on the
same principle. With a l the laborious
l
fitting eliminated, he found that he
could s l clocks for $10 apiece instead
el
of the regular $25. In three years, he
and his partner, Seth Thomas sold 5,000.

“The planners and managers of industry found new and improved ways
of designing factories and work flow— so that goods were turned out more
quickly and cheaply.
“They found new and better ways to get those goods from factories
to the stores and into the homes. Advertising and selling opened up bigger
markets by telling the story to millions.
“And the individual worker became steadily more skillful at his job. He
realized that the more he could produce during the hours he worked, the
more he would increase his own value. W hen many workers did that, i
t
added up to national prosperity!
“Labor unions and collective bargaining strengthened the worker’ sense
s
of security and improved work
ing conditions.

“Eli Terry saw that i he cut his costs
f
by mass production, and distributed a
bigger volume at a lower price, he
would enable more people to buy and
make more money himself. And i
t
worked out exactly that way!

“Eventually America devel
oped the greatest group of skilled
workers and technicians the
world has ever seen.

“Pins had long been made by hand, selling as high as 20 cents each. Then
a Connecticut m a n perfected a machine to make two million pins a week!
Naturally, the price was sharply reduced.
“D o w n through the years, Americans invented thousands of work-saving
machines.
“Of course, i took money to make and install these new, labor-saving
t
machines in factories— more money than any one man could afford. A
machine for one worker often costs thousands of dollars. So the owner
took in many partners— thrifty men and women who received stock in
exchange for their money. All these partners joined to form a c o m p a n y
which they owned together. In order to make a profit in competition with
other companies, they had to turn out better and less expensive products.
“W ith new k in d s of pow er, w o rk-sa vin g m achines and w ays
o f financing th em , th e A m e rica n econom ic system w as on the
m arch. B u t w e added still another ingredient . .

“N e w pow er — new m achines
plus constantly increased
s kill of both managers
and w o rkers began to
tu rn scarcity into
A B U N D A N C E !”

�“H o w have p o w er machines a n d greater
skills affected prices? ’ M OTHER ASKED.
“Let’ take one example,” Uncle Sam said.
s
“Back in 1839, William Underwood made tin ‘
canisters’or cans by hand
soldering at the rate of about six per hour. These were so expensive that
they were saved and re-used many times.
“Today, one automatic machine can produce up to 21,000 cans per hour.
They cost so l t l they are used by the millions.
ite
“That’ the way i went. With more use of machine power, better m a
s
t
chines and the skill needed to work them, each machine worker could raise
his productivity per hour.
“T h e m ore units the m anagem ent-labor team could m ake per hour,
th e lo w er th e cost, and the m ore people could afford to buy themV*

“ W h at have these things done
to wages a n d hou rs?’* DAD WANTED TO K N O W .
—
“The hand-worker usually had to t i 12 to 16 hours a day to make a living,”
ol
Uncle S am replied.
“But with machines, he could make products worth much more in a lot
less time.
“So now he only has to work eight hours a day to make a much better
living than the hand-worker ever knew!
“B e tte r m achines and m anagem ent-labor cooperation have m ade
it possible to raise wages and shorten hours o ver th e years.”

“ W hat happens when m achines g et
old-fashioned or w ea r o u t? ” JU N IO R ASKED.
“They have to be replaced with new machines,” Uncle S a m said, “or output
will go down and so will wages. In America, where we have s i fcompetition,
tf
companies must set aside cash for these replacements or else go out.of
business. So you see how important profits are. If a company doesn’ make
t
a steady profit i ’ a poor risk for both investors and workers.”
ts

8

‘Do m achines ta k e away jo b s? ” Sis inquired.
‘N o in d e e d !” U ncle Sam declared. “In the long run . . .

M achines make jo b s ! ”
“When the Industrial Revolution began, i went ahead so fast that some
t
hand-workers did lose out to the machines. This usually happens when
machines come i . But i ’ only temporary.
n
ts
“Soon thousands of new jobs open up! Because that’ what always hap
s
pens in the long run.
“For instance, a million jobs in the horse and buggy business have been
replaced by an estimated 6,380,000 new jobs in making, selling and servic
ing automobiles.
“Today there are more people just making machines than were engaged
in all manufacturing a hundred years ago.
“In the past 80 years, of a l the new industries which have sprung up,
l
just 14 of them* give employment, direct or indirect, to an estimated 13
million workers.
“In older industries, the number of workers has increased, too. In the
period from 1870 to 1950, jobs multiplied by

“— 9 tim es in the glass in d u stry . . .
“— alm ost 7 tim es in the food in d u stry . . .
“— o v er 3 tim es in th e tex tile
in d u stry . . . and
“— o v er 5'/2 tim es in the lu m b er and
fu rn itu re in d u stries . . . w h ile

“— In th e sam e period, population
increased only th ree tim es.
“Today, most people know that the machine
hasn’ been an enemy, i has proved to be a
t
t
friend— and that anything which has helped us to
turn out goods more efficiently has added to our
strength and prosperity.
* Automobiles, Electric Machinery, Rayon
Products, Gasoline and Oil, Rribber tires and
products, Refrigeration, Radio and Phonographs,
Aircraft, Tin Cans and Tinware, Aluminum
Products, Ice Cream, Cash Registers and Computing
Machines, Lighting Equipment, Typewriters.

�‘S o you s e e ” U ncle Sam w en t on . . .

“ The m ain spring o f the
A m erican s ta n d a rd o f liv in g is
H igh a n d Increasing P ro d u c tiv ity ! *
“It is because we
Americans produce so
much better for every
hour we work that we
can earn more in
less time and buy more.
“This i one of the
s
big differences between
American capitalism
and the capitalism of
the Old World. It i the
s
secret of our better
standard of living.”
T he c h a rt a t rig h t shows how
m uch an av erag e A m erican
w orker and a n av erage R ussian
w orker could have bought in 1950 if
each had sp en t eight h ours' pay for
o n e basic food item.

W h a t’s m ore,” said U ncle Sam , “In A m erica

“ We enjoy both p o litica l a n d economic freedom s.

What eight hours pay could buy (1950) in the U.S. and Russia

“As people who have both political and economic freedoms, we Americans
engage in vigorous, open competition. From childhood on we like to com
pete and this inspires each of us to do his best. In the long run competition

benefits everybody.

L it

u. s.

UUuuUUULiLlL

R U S S IA

D

,3 LB .
S

...O R

u. s.
R U S S IA

“Where trusts, cartels, trade barriers or other restrictions hamper com
petition— as they do in most of Europe and other parts of the world—
productivity i low and the standard of living suffers.
s

120 lbs.
,20LB
S.

“Competition stimulates American companies to carry on constant
research, too. Our laboratories are always looking for new processes
and better products.

M IL K

d f l f lO f W

60QTS.

0 9 Q
TS.
...OR E G
GS

U. S.

oooooooooooo

R U S S IA

O O O O O O O O O 21 ooz.
&lt;n 1 DOZ.
From U .S . Bureau o f Labor Statistics

A N N U A L IN C O M E PER PERSON (1949) IN SOM E LEADIN G C O U N TRIES

♦Rem em ber, "p ro d u ctiv ity " is n ot th e same as "p ro d u ctio n .” Productiv
ity is th e r a te or e ffic ie n c y o f production.

. . and the end i not yet,” Uncle Sam said. “W e have learned that
s

the long run

in

“When output per hour goes up, prices drop, so more
people can buy and all of us gain.
“But when output per hour goes down, prices rise, so fewer
people can buy and all of us lose.
“Of course, there are unusual periods when these principles don’ seem to
t
work— times when business i far above or far below normal. But over the
s
long pull you’l find that these rules of productivity do apply.
l
“On the average, productivity has increased in the United States about
2 per cent a year since 1850 and our standard of living has gone up at about
the same rate. W e topped this in the 30 years between 1920 and 1950.
“Can we keep right on doing it?” Dad asked.
“W e certainly can in normal times,” Uncle Sam replied.
“If everybody who plays a part in making things will team
up to do i , we can raise productivity so far and so fast
t
that we can share the benefits and have real security for
all our people.”

U . S. A.
$1453 _
Canada
New Zealand
Switzerland
780
Sweden
Great Britain 77.4
Denmark
Australia
Belgium
Netherlands
France
Eire
Israel
Finland
Germany
Russia
Poland
300
Hungary
South Africa
Italy
Austria
216 «
Yugoslavia
146 .
Greece
128
Mexico
121 _
Egypt
100
Japan
100
India
57 ^
China
27,
(From United N,otions Statist

“Today the American
way of l f provides the
ie
highest level of living ever en
joyed by any people in a l history.
l
“This i no mere boast. It i a state
s
s
ment of thrilling fact— that men can
raise their level of living by better
productivity if they are free to do it!
“In America there are millions of
self-starters, always moving ahead,
looking for new and better ways to
do things. Instead of holding people
back, our system encourages them to

keep trying.”

N O T E : W hile complete figures on levels o f living
for all countries a re n ot available, annual p er capita
income a s show n a t le ft is considered to be a f a ir
indication.

1
1

�“We t k abundancef rg a t d
ae
o rne’

— U N C L E SAM SAID.

“W e know that even in the depths of a depression, the people of the United
States live better than millions in other countries during n o rm a l times.
“Electricity, running water, central heating, one house or apartment per
family, are quite general in America. To the Russian or Chinese worker,
whose whole family i often crowded into one room, with no private kitchen
s
or bath and no central heating, our homes would represent dreams of luxury.
“With only one-fifteenth of the world’ population, and about the same
s
proportion of the world’ land area and natural resources, the United States
s
— produces a b o u t h a lf the w o rld ’s m a n u fa c tu re d goods
— has m o re th a n h a lf the w o rld ’s telephone, teleg ra p h a n d radio
n e tw o r k s— m ore th a n a th ir d o f the railroads— m ore th a n threeq u a rte rs o f th e w o rld ’s autom obiles— a lm o st h a lf o f th e w o rld ’s
radios— and consum es m ore th a n h a lf o f th e w o rld ’s coffee and
ru bbe r, a lm o st h a lf o f the steel, a q u a rte r o f th e coal a n d n ea rly
tw o -th ird s o f th e crude oil.
“The best measure of what the average American gets out of this abundance
is in what one hour’ labor will buy. First, let’ see how much labor an
s
s
average factory worker had to give to earn some typical products in 1914,
compared with how much i took to earn similar products in 1951.
t

1914

1951

20 hours

T O N O F SO FT C O A L

E L E C T R IC L IG H T B U L B

POUND OF BUTTER

7 hours

48 m inutes

W O M E N ’S S H O E S

24 m inutes

24 hours

10 hours

29 m inutes

23 m inutes

102 m inutes

7 m inutes

1 hour
37 m inutes

31 m inutes

Figures From U. S. Bureau o f Labor Sta tistics

“Such im p ro ve m e n t is practically a law o f life here
in A m erica . W e assum e that in the long run things
w ill get b etter and cost less, in te rm s of w hat an
h o u r’s w o rk w ill buy.”

“N o w let’s sum m a rize,”
SAID U N C L E SAM,

“A n d I th in k you’ll agree

“T i i P o r s !
hs s rges
“The American System has
“1 Increased the real wages of American
.
workers (wages in relation to prices) to three
and a half times what they were in 1850.
“2. Reduced hours of work from an average of about
70 hours a week in 1850 to around 40 hours in 1950.
“3 Increased the number of jobs faster proportionately than the growth of
.
population. In 1850 out of each thousand persons fewer than 320 were gain
fully employed. Today, this has risen to about 430 out of each thousand.
“4 Raised_national income (the total of what a l Americans take in) from
.
l
about 8 billion dollars in 1850 to about 239 billion in 1950 (figured in dollars
of 1950’ purchasing power).
s
“H O W ? Well, the average worker can now produce about five
times as much per hour as in 1850 with less effort. Net output
of goods and services increased 30 times from 1850 to 1950,
though working hours were much shorter and the population
only six times greater.
“I f w e w ere still producing at the 1850 rate per hour, w e w ould
need over 300 m illion w orkers, each putting in 43 hours a w eek,
to produce as m uch as w e d id in 1950.”

�T h e B e tte r W e Produce,
T h e S tronger W e G row .'

‘E v e n so, w e should n ever get sm ug , ” U ncle Sam continued.

“Our s s e i ntp r e t .
y t m s ’ efc..
“Maybe that’ because i ’ geared to human nature, which isn’ perfect
s
ts
t
either.
“But i is because our American System is realistic— because i satisfies
t
t
so many deep-down h u m a n needs— that i is so successful.
t
“True, we s i l have ups and downs of prices and jobs. Poverty and slum
tl
areas are s i l with us. Some other countries have done better with these
tl
problems than we have.
“But we can solve those, as we have solved so many other big problems,
because l t l by l t l we are learning more about how to deal with our
ite
ite
economic d f i u t e .
ifclis
“For example, during the past half-century Congress has enacted anti
trust laws, credit controls, federal insurance of bank deposits, a farm pro
gram and mortgage guarantees. A vast system of retirement plans set up
by private industry supplements the social security law.
“W e are constantly trying to find better solutions. And we will!
W e ’ not afraid of new methods.
re

“Progress is our middle name!”
Dad looked up at Uncle Sam.
“Well, you sure answered a l
l
our questions. And I know we’
re
going to be better Americans now that we
know what w e ’ got and how wonderful i i .
ve
t s”
“The main thing i — to make i
s
t
w o r k still better,” Mother said.
“That’ right!” Uncle Sam agreed.
s
“And we will if we a l understand that
l
the system which assures individual
freedom will always use its human and
natural resources better than any
system that doesn’. Extra reward
t
for extra- effort encourages each
person to do better work, which helps
everybody. W e ’ come a long way
ve
under that system.”

14

C a l n e o t ef t r
hleg f h uue
“Our system has given us many won
derful things,” Uncle Sam said, “but
we s i l have a long way to go before
tl
every man, woman and child of us can
count on a job, a decent living and a
sense of real security.
“Meanwhile, our free way of l fe i
i
s
being challenged by communist aggression.
This means we have to be ready to defend our
selves— to use our economic system to produce
strength!

“To make ourselves strong, and stay that way,
we have a double job to do:
“First, to build our defenses to a point where
no aggressor will dare attack us.
“In addition, we must produce essential civilian
goods at the lowest possible cost in order to prevent inflation (high prices,
low-value dollars).
“This double job calls for better productivity a l along the l
l
ine. W e can
do i i we a l work together to produce better— for instance, by finding
t f
l
short cuts.
“This dual effort may have to go on for years.
“Even so, our goals for America remain the same. If we a l work together
l
to increase our productivity, then we can spread it benefits. This can mean
s
increased wages, lower prices, shorter hours, more jobs and better collective
bargaining. It can also mean a sure, encouraging return to investors and
owners. Only in this way can we hope to level off the ups and downs of
prices and jobs, lessen the chances of recurring depressions, reduce indus
trial disputes and enjoy the good things for a l which our economic system
l
can give us!”

15

�The Public Policy Committee of the Advertising Council approved this economic education
program. Below are the present members of the Committee, who represent virtually every
segment of American life — management, labor, religion, education, agriculture, social service,
medicine, banking, journalism and law.

A p b i s r i ep o e t
u l c evc rjc
T his booklet is p a r t of a public in fo rm a tio n p ro g ra m con
ducted by T h e A d v e rtisin g Council, Inc., in th e in te re s t o f a
b ette r-in fo rm e d a n d hence a s tro n g e r A m erica.
CHESTER C. DAVIS
Chairman

Associate D irector, The
Ford F oundation

DR. RALPH J. BUNCHE

EVANS CLARK,
Vice Chairman

Secretariat,
U nited N ations

E xecutive Director,
T w en tieth C entury F und

T he A d v e rtisin g Council is a non-profit, non-political, non
p a rtis a n o rg an izatio n fo rm ed to u tilize a d v e rtis in g in th e
public service. E stab lish e d sh o rtly a f t e r P e a rl H a rb o r, the
Council helped p la n a nd p re p a re , w ith o u t ch arg e, a d v e rtisin g
f o r such W orld W a r I I p ro g ra m s as W a r Bonds, Food Con
serv atio n , S crap S alvage, P a p e r S alvage a nd over 100 others.
In these c ritic a l tim es th e Council is devoting its energies
to m an y in fo rm a tio n p ro g ra m s in the n a tio n a l w e lfa re and
in th e in te re s t o f a fre e w orld.

MISS OLIVE CLAPPER
g jtb lie ia t

DR. JAMES B. CONANT

President,
H arvard U niversity

CLARENCE FRANCIS

HENRY C. FLEISHER

Chairman o f the Board,
General Foods
Corporation

P ublicity Director,
Congress o f Indus
trial O rganizations

A d v e rtisin g on Council progi’am s is p rep a re d th ro u g h th e
g e n e ro sity o f lead in g A m erican a d v e rtis in g agencies. The
a d v e rtisin g tim e a n d space is d onated a s a public service by
A m erican business in m agazines, radio, television, new s
p a p e rs, outdoor p o ste rs a n d c a r cards.
T h e Council conducts only th o se p ro g ra m s w hich, i t is
agreed, serv e th e b est in te re sts o f all A m ericans.

DR. ALAN GREGG

MISS HELEN HALL

Director,
nry S treet Settlem ent

PAUL G. HOFFMAN

President. The Ford

M £, 01
EUGENE MEYER

DR. W ILLIAM I. MYERS

&amp; EL
BORIS SHISHKIN

DR. GEORGE N. SHUSTER

DR. REINHOLD NIEBUHR

ROGER W. STRAUS

A. E. LYON

E xecutive Secretary,
R ailw ay Ixibor E xecutives
Association

T his booklet w as p re p a re d fo r the Council as a public service.
I t w as w ritte n by A lton K etchum , designed b y L ym an Beecher
Cooper a n d M ilton K. Zudeck a nd illu stra te d b y H e rb e rt
Noxon, all o f M cC ann-E rickson, Inc., who gave th e ir services
g ra tis.
S ta tistic s w ere larg e ly derived fro m th e D e p a rtm e n t of
Com merce, th e D e p a rtm e n t of L abor, th e T w entieth C e n tu ry
F u n d a n d th e U n ited N ations.

ELMOROPER

'd
.
REESE H.TAYLOR

SIXTH
(For

p r ic e s o f th is b o o k le t in

EDITION
q u a n tity lo ts , w r ite :

C o u n c il, I n c ., 2 5 W e s t 4 5 th S t r e e t , N e w

T h e A d v e r tis in g

Y o r k 19, N e w

Y o r k .)

�“The B etter We Produce
The Stronger We Grow.”

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                    <text>55&#13;
&#13;
We . . . strive . . .&#13;
to win full respect for&#13;
the dignity of the hu­&#13;
man individual whom&#13;
our unions serve.&#13;
&#13;
59&#13;
&#13;
Preamble to the&#13;
AFL-CIO constitution&#13;
&#13;
AFL-CIO Committee on Political Education&#13;
&#13;
a f l&#13;
&#13;
815-16th St. N.W., Washington 6, D. C.&#13;
&#13;
- ci&#13;
&#13;
Number 3&#13;
&#13;
October 26, 1956&#13;
WHY DID POWELL CHANGE?&#13;
&#13;
Last week Representative Adam Clayton Powell (D, N.Y.),&#13;
one of the three Negro members of the House of Representatives,&#13;
announced he is supporting President Eisenhower for re-election.&#13;
Powell's announcement was made in the White House after&#13;
he had conferred with the President. He added he is setting up an&#13;
organization to work for the Republican candidate.&#13;
The announcement created something of a stir. Six&#13;
prominent elected Negro officials in New York, headed by Manhattan&#13;
Borough President Hulan Jack issued a statement declaring:&#13;
"The people of Harlem regret that the White House was able&#13;
to apply sufficient pressure upon Adam Clayton Powell at the time of&#13;
the trial of another of his personal staff, now pending in federal&#13;
court, to persuade him completely to change his convictions."&#13;
The statement noted that on March 2, 1956, Powell had&#13;
accused the President of "dodging the civil rights issue, passing&#13;
the buck, and trying to wash his hands, like Pilate, of the blood&#13;
of innocent men and women in the southland."&#13;
Willard Townsend, vice president of the AFL-CIO and&#13;
president of the United Transport Service Employees, termed Powell's&#13;
announcement "a shocking betrayal of his race and his party."&#13;
"If Representative Powell had been more conscientious in&#13;
his attention to his congressional duties, "Townsend added, "he&#13;
&#13;
�would have been aware, as are all working men and women in the&#13;
country, that the record of the Eisenhower administration in the&#13;
field of civil rights, as in the field of general welfare, is a&#13;
cynical compound of a callous disregard for the rights of&#13;
individuals and a tender solicitude for the privileges and&#13;
prerogatives of big business."&#13;
Townsend said he "was reluctant to believe that there is&#13;
any connection between Representative Powell's change of heart and&#13;
the investigation of his finances by the Department of Justice."&#13;
Background&#13;
The man who created all this furor, Representative Powell,&#13;
has apparently been having a hard time making up his mind.&#13;
In December, 1955, according to the New York Post, Powell&#13;
talked with Adlai Stevenson, the standard bearer of his party, and&#13;
then held a press conference at which he explained that Stevenson&#13;
was very sound on civil rights.&#13;
Two months later, on February 13, he announced in Boston&#13;
he would vote for Eisenhower over Stevenson but by March 2 he had&#13;
swung around to his bitter comparison of Eisenhower and Pilate.&#13;
Just four days before his October 12 announcement on&#13;
behalf of Eisenhower, Powell told his church congregation that he&#13;
couldn't campaign for either Stevenson or Eisenhower. "There isn't&#13;
anything to the Democrats or the Republicans," he said.&#13;
Chicago Daily News interview with Powell quotes the New&#13;
York congressman as being sore at Stevenson because Powell wasn't&#13;
given a chance to appear before the Democratic convention in&#13;
Chicago and because Stevenson held two rallies in Powell's district&#13;
without inviting Powell to take part.&#13;
In 1954 Powell's name was signed to a Readers' Digest&#13;
article highly praising President Eisenhower. Over 2,000,000 copies&#13;
of the article were reprinted by the Republican National Committee,&#13;
it was reported at the time. However, the vote for the Democrats&#13;
in the Negro precincts in 1954 was overwhelming.&#13;
In September, 1954, during the course of a Senatorial&#13;
investigation of irregularities in the Federal Housing Administration,&#13;
Powell's name bobbed up as having received a loan of $3,000 at 1%&#13;
interest from a builder of a housing project.&#13;
Powell got the loan in 1952 but paid nothing on it until&#13;
a few days before— some insist it was after— President Eisenhower&#13;
announced the investigation in 1954. In April, 1954, Powell gave&#13;
the builder a check for $30. After the election in 1954 Powell&#13;
repaid the loan.&#13;
&#13;
�Two of Powell’s secretaries, Acy Lennon and William&#13;
Hampton, became rental managers of the builder's project and were&#13;
paid on a fee basis, netting about $8,800 a year.&#13;
Early this year three of Powell's aides were indicted on&#13;
tax charges. Two of them--Lennon and Mrs. Hattie Dodson--have been&#13;
convicted. The third, Hampton, is currently under indictment.&#13;
Powell denies any connection between the tax troubles&#13;
these three and his position in the current campaign.&#13;
"What happens to any people who work for me, and I have&#13;
38, does not concern me at all," he said.&#13;
What He Said&#13;
On May 24, 1956, Representative Powell addressed a big&#13;
mass meeting in Madison Square Garden in New York City. He&#13;
described President Eisenhower in vastly different terms than he&#13;
did last week.&#13;
He started by saying, "Tonight I will present documented&#13;
evidence to show that the official family and intimate friends of&#13;
President Eisenhower are deliberately bringing back segregation in&#13;
the United States of America at a time when we can least afford it."&#13;
"Here is a man," said Powell, "of good moral instincts&#13;
completely separated from the people. The forces of reaction,&#13;
obstruction, segregation, white citizens' councils, have reached&#13;
out through the tentacles of his own palace guard and stopped&#13;
Eisenhower's progress toward making this a nation of one people.&#13;
"We have literally retrogressed as a nation during the&#13;
past few months and if I went to Bandung again I would not be able&#13;
to stand up and defend so vigorously my country in the field of&#13;
civil rights as I did a year ago this past April."&#13;
Powell went on to charge that "an insubordination has&#13;
broken out in our armed forces" and that in many areas segregation&#13;
was being restored on army posts.&#13;
He cited as evidence an order issued at station 594,&#13;
Police Company, Fort Worth, Texas, reading, "Overseas duty must be&#13;
for Caucasians only." The 505th Air Borne Infantry, Fort Bragg,&#13;
North Carolina, issued an order reading, "The above levy for overseas&#13;
duty will be filled with Caucasian personnel only."&#13;
The Guided Missile Battalion the Army Chemical Center,&#13;
according to Powell, posted an order reading, "Non-Caucasians&#13;
allowed in non-commissioned officers club on Tuesday, Thursday and&#13;
Sunday and only whites on Monday, Wednesday and Saturday."&#13;
&#13;
�A message from the Commanding General of the 69th Division,&#13;
Fort Dix, New Jersey, was cited by Powell. He said it read, "Your&#13;
attention is invited to the table which indicates the large&#13;
percentage of Negro personnel now assigned to this organization as&#13;
compared to other units. It is recommended that necessary action be&#13;
taken to adjust this percentage."&#13;
Powell recommended four courses of action.&#13;
&#13;
They were:&#13;
&#13;
1. "We should demand that Eisenhower call a conference at&#13;
the White House of Negro and white leaders of the south and talk like&#13;
a President should talk to the people." (The day after Powell&#13;
announced his support of Eisenhower he explained that Eisenhower had&#13;
given him assurances on civil rights matters privately. Then, later,&#13;
Powell said he had misquoted the President.)&#13;
2. "We should demand that the Department of Justice should&#13;
establish a civil rights division." (When the Department of Justice&#13;
bill containing this provision was debated in the House Powell was&#13;
in Europe.)&#13;
3. "A general order should go out to the Army and the Air&#13;
Force and the Navy that all insubordination should be stopped."&#13;
(Nothing further has been heard of this.)&#13;
4. "We should demand that every single Democrat and&#13;
Republican stand up and vote for the Powell amendment." (The&#13;
Powell amendment was adopted July 5, 1956, by a vote of 225 to 192).&#13;
Still unexplained as of this date is why Powell changed.&#13;
&#13;
Bulk Rate&#13;
U. S. POSTAGE&#13;
PAID&#13;
W a sh in g to n , D . C.&#13;
P e rm it N o . 9270&#13;
&#13;
AFL-CIO C om m ittee on P olitical E ducation&#13;
815 16th St. N.W ., W a sh in g to n 6 , D. C.&#13;
&#13;
�</text>
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                    <text>We . . . strive . . .
to win full respect for
the dignity of the hu­
man individual whom
our unions serve.

99

Preamble to the
AFL-CIO constitution

AFL-CIO Committee on Political Education

A

815-16th St. N.W., Washington 6, D. C.

F

L. C I O

Number 3

October 26, 1956
WHY DID POWELL CHANGE?

Last week Representative Adam Clayton Powell (D, N.Y.),
one of the three Negro members of the House of Representatives,
announced he is supporting President Eisenhower for re-election.
Powell's announcement was made in the White House after
he had conferred with the President.
He added he is setting up an
organization to work for the Republican candidate.
The announcement created something of a stir.
Six
prominent elected Negro officials in New York, headed by Manhattan
Borough President Hulan Jack issued a statement declaring:
"The people of Harlem regret that the White House was able
to apply sufficient pressure upon Adam Clayton Powell at the time of
the trial of another of his ipersonal staff, now pending in federal
court, to persuade him completely to change his convictions."
The statement noted that on March 2, 1956, Powell had
accused the President of "dodging the civil rights issue, passing
the buck, and trying to wash his hands, like Pilate, of the blood
of innocent men and women in the southland."
Willard Townsend, vice president of the AFL-CIO and
president of the United Transport Service Employees, termed Powell's
announcement "a shocking betrayal of his race and his party."
"If Representative Powell had been more conscientious in
his attention to his congressional duties, "Townsend added, "he

�would have been aware, as are all working men and women in the
country, that the record of the Eisenhower administration in the
field of civil rights, as in the field of general welfare, is a
cynical compound of a callous disregard for the rights of
individuals and a tender solicitude for the privileges and
prerogatives of big business."
Townsend said he "was reluctant to believe that there is
any connection between Representative Powell's change of heart and
the investigation of his finances by the Department of Justice."
Background
The man who created all this furor, Representative Powell,
has apparently been having a hard time making up his mind.
In December, 1955, according to the New York Post, Powell
talked with Adlai Stevenson, the standard bearer of his party, and
then held a press conference at which he explained that Stevenson
was very sound on civil rights.
Two months later, on February 13, he announced in Boston
he would vote for Eisenhower over Stevenson but by March 2 he had
swung around to his bitter comparison of Eisenhower and Pilate.
Just four days before his October 12 announcement on
behalf of Eisenhower, Powell told his church congregation that he
couldn't campaign for either Stevenson or Eisenhower.
"There isn't
anything to the Democrats or the Republicans," he said.
Chicago Daily News interview with Powell quotes the New
York congressman as being sore at Stevenson because Powell wasn't
given a chance to appear before the Democratic convention in
Chicago and because Stevenson held two rallies in Powell's district
without inviting Powell to take part.
In 1954 Powell’s name was signed to a Readers' Digest
article highly praising President Eisenhower. Over 2,000,000 copies
of the article were reprinted1by the Republican National Committee,
it was reported at the time. However, the vote for the Democrats
in the Negro precincts in 1954 was overwhelming.
In September, 1954, during the course of a Senatorial
investigation of irregularities in the Federal Housing Administration,
Powell's name bobbed up as having received a loan of $3,000 at 1%
interest from a builder of a housing project.
Powell got the loan in 1952 but paid nothing on it until
a few days before— some insist it was after--President Eisenhower
announced the investigation in 1954.
In April, 1954, Powell gave
the builder a check for $30. After the election in 1954 Powell
repaid the loan.

�Two of Powell's secretaries, Acy Lennon and William
Hampton, became rental managers of the builder's project and were
paid on a fee basis, netting about $8,800 a year.
Early this year three of Powell's aides were indicted on
tax charges.
Two of them— Lennon and Mrs. Hattie Dodson— have been
convicted.
The third, Hampton, is currently under indictment.
Powell denies any connection between the tax troubles
these three and his position in the current campaign.
"What happens to any people who work for me, and I have
38, does not concern me at all," he said.
What He Said
On May 24 , 1956, Rep resentative Powell address ed a big
He
mass meeting in Mad ison Square Garden in New York City,
described President Eisenhower in vastly different terms than he
did last week.
He started by saying, "Tonight I will present documented
evidence to show that the official family and intimate friends of
President Eisenhower are deliberately bringing back segregation in
the United States of America at a time when we can least afford it."
"Here is a man," said Powell, "of good moral instincts
completely separated from the people. The forces of reaction,
obstruction, segregation, white citizens' councils, have reached
out through the tentacles of his own palace guard and stopped
Eisenhower's progress toward making this a nation of one people.
"We have literally retrogressed as a nation during the
past few months and if I went to Bandung again I would not be able
to stand up and defend so vigorously my country in the field of
civil rights as I did a year ago this past April."
Powell went on to charge that "an insubordination has
broken out in our armed forces" and that in many areas segregation
was being restored on army posts.
He cited as evidence an order issued at station 594,
Police Company, Fort Worth, Texas, reading, "Overseas duty must be
for Caucasians only." The 505th Air Borne Infantry, Fort Bragg,
North Carolina, issued an order reading, "The above levy for overseas
duty will be filled with Caucasian personnel only."
The Guided Missile Battalion the Army Chemical Center,
according to Powell, posted an order reading, "Non-Caucasians
allowed in non-commissioned officers club on Tuesday, Thursday and
Sunday and only whites on Monday, Wednesday and Saturday."

�A message from the Commanding General of the 69th Division,
Fort Dix, New Jersey, was cited by Powell.
He said it read, "Your
attention is invited to the table which indicates the laree
percentage of Negro personnel now assigned to this organization as
compared to other units.
It is recommended that necessary action be
taken to adjust this percentage."
Powell recommended four courses of action.

They were:

1. "We should demand that Eisenhower call a conference at
the White House of Negro and white leaders of the south and talk like
a President should talk to the people." (The day after Powell
announced his support of Eisenhower he explained that Eisenhower had
given him assurances on civil rights matters privately.
Then, later,
Powell said he had misquoted the President.)
2. "We should demand that the Department of Justice should
establish a civil rights division." (When the Department of Justice
bill containing this provision was debated in the House Powell was
in Europe.)
3. "A general order should go out to the Army and the Air
Force and the Navy that all insubordination should be stopped."
(Nothing further has been heard of this.)
4. "We should demand that every single Democrat and
Republican stand up and vote for the Powell amendment." (The
Powell amendment was adopted July 5, 1956, by a vote of 225 to 192).
Still unexplained as of this date is why Powell changed.

Bulk Rate
U. S. POSTAGE
PAID
W ashington, D . C.
Perm it N o. 9270

AFL-CIO C om m ittee on Political Education
815 16th St. N.W ., W a sh in g to n 6, D. C.

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